第7章
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  Themostdetestableofallemployments,thatofpublicexecutioner,is,inproportiontothequantityofworkdone,betterpaidthananycommontradewhatever。

  Huntingandfishing,themostimportantemploymentsofmankindintherudestateofsociety,becomeinitsadvancedstatetheirmostagreeableamusements,andtheypursueforpleasurewhattheyoncefollowedfromnecessity。Intheadvancedstateofsociety,therefore,theyareallverypoorpeoplewhofollowasatradewhatotherpeoplepursueasapastime。

  FishermenhavebeensosincethetimeofTheocritus。ApoacheriseverywhereaverypoormaninGreatBritain。Incountrieswheretherigourofthelawsuffersnopoachers,thelicensedhunterisnotinamuchbettercondition。Thenaturaltasteforthoseemploymentsmakesmorepeoplefollowthemthancanlivecomfortablybythem,andtheproduceoftheirlabour,inproportiontoitsquantity,comesalwaystoocheaptomarkettoaffordanythingbutthemostscantysubsistencetothelabourers。

  Disagreeablenessanddisgraceaffecttheprofitsofstockinthesamemannerasthewagesoflabour。Thekeeperofaninnortavern,whoisnevermasterofhisownhouse,andwhoisexposedtothebrutalityofeverydrunkard,exercisesneitheraveryagreeablenoraverycreditablebusiness。Butthereisscarceanycommontradeinwhichasmallstockyieldssogreataprofit。

  Secondly,thewagesoflabourvarywiththeeasinessandcheapness,orthedifficultyandexpenseoflearningthebusiness。

  Whenanyexpensivemachineiserected,theextraordinaryworktobeperformedbyitbeforeitiswornout,itmustbeexpected,willreplacethecapitallaidoutuponit,withatleasttheordinaryprofits。Amaneducatedattheexpenseofmuchlabourandtimetoanyofthoseemploymentswhichrequireextraordinarydexterityandskill,maybecomparedtooneofthoseexpensivemachines。Theworkwhichhelearnstoperform,itmustbeexpected,overandabovetheusualwagesofcommonlabour,willreplacetohimthewholeexpenseofhiseducation,withatleasttheordinaryprofitsofanequallyvaluablecapital。Itmustdothis,too,inareasonabletime,regardbeinghadtotheveryuncertaindurationofhumanlife,inthesamemannerastothemorecertaindurationofthemachine。

  Thedifferencebetweenthewagesofskilledlabourandthoseofcommonlabourisfoundeduponthisprinciple。

  ThepolicyofEuropeconsidersthelabourofallmechanics,artificers,andmanufacturers,asskilledlabour;andthatofallcountrylabourersascommonlabour。Itseemstosupposethatoftheformertobeofamoreniceanddelicatenaturethanthatofthelatter。Itissoperhapsinsomecases;butinthegreaterpartisitquiteotherwise,asIshallendeavourtoshowbyandby。ThelawsandcustomsofEurope,therefore,inordertoqualifyanypersonforexercisingtheonespeciesoflabour,imposethenecessityofanapprenticeship,thoughwithdifferentdegreesofrigourindifferentplaces。Theyleavetheotherfreeandopentoeverybody。Duringthecontinuanceoftheapprenticeship,thewholelabouroftheapprenticebelongstohismaster。Inthemeantimehemust,inmanycases,bemaintainedbyhisparentsorrelations,andinalmostallcasesmustbeclothedbythem。Somemoney,too,iscommonlygiventothemasterforteachinghimhistrade。Theywhocannotgivemoneygivetime,orbecomeboundformorethantheusualnumberofyears;aconsiderationwhich,thoughitisnotalwaysadvantageoustothemaster,onaccountoftheusualidlenessofapprentices,isalwaysdisadvantageoustotheapprentice。Incountrylabour,onthecontrary,thelabourer,whileheisemployedabouttheeasier,learnsthemoredifficultpartsofhisbusiness,andhisownlabourmaintainshimthroughallthedifferentstagesofhisemployment。Itisreasonable,therefore,thatinEuropethewagesofmechanics,artificers,andmanufacturers,shouldbesomewhathigherthanthoseofcommonlabourers。Theyaresoaccordingly,andtheirsuperiorgainsmaketheminmostplacesbeconsideredasasuperiorrankofpeople。Thissuperiority,however,isgenerallyverysmall;thedailyorweeklyearningsofjourneymeninthemorecommonsortsofmanufactures,suchasthoseofplainlinenandwoollencloth,computedatanaverage,are,inmostplaces,verylittlemorethanthedaywagesofcommonlabourers。

  Theiremployment,indeed,ismoresteadyanduniform,andthesuperiorityoftheirearnings,takingthewholeyeartogether,maybesomewhatgreater。Itseemsevidently,however,tobenogreaterthanwhatissufficienttocompensatethesuperiorexpenseoftheireducation。

  Educationintheingeniousartsandintheliberalprofessionsisstillmoretediousandexpensive。Thepecuniaryrecompense,therefore,ofpaintersandsculptors,oflawyersandphysicians,oughttobemuchmoreliberal;anditissoaccordingly。

  Theprofitsofstockseemtobeverylittleaffectedbytheeasinessordifficultyoflearningthetradeinwhichitisemployed。Allthedifferentwaysinwhichstockiscommonlyemployedingreattownsseem,inreality,tobealmostequallyeasyandequallydifficulttolearn。Onebrancheitherofforeignordomestictradecannotwellbeamuchmoreintricatebusinessthananother。

  Thirdly,thewagesoflabourindifferentoccupationsvarywiththeconstancyorinconstancyofemployment。

  Employmentismuchmoreconstantinsometradesthaninothers。Inthegreaterpartofmanufacturers,ajourneymanmaybeprettysureofemploymentalmosteverydayintheyearthatheisabletowork。Amasonorbricklayer,onthecontrary,canworkneitherinhardfrostnorinfoulweather,andhisemploymentatallothertimesdependsupontheoccasionalcallsofhiscustomers。Heisliable,inconsequence,tobefrequentlywithoutany。Whatheearns,therefore,whileheisemployed,mustnotonlymaintainhimwhileheisidle,butmakehimsomecompensationforthoseanxiousanddespondingmomentswhichthethoughtofsoprecariousasituationmustsometimesoccasion。

  Wherethecomputedearningsofthegreaterpartofmanufacturers,accordingly,arenearlyuponalevelwiththedaywagesofcommonlabourers,thoseofmasonsandbricklayersaregenerallyfromonehalfmoretodoublethosewages。Wherecommonlabourersearnfourandfiveshillingsaweek,masonsandbricklayersfrequentlyearnsevenandeight;wheretheformerearnsix,thelatteroftenearnnineandten;andwheretheformerearnnineandten,asinLondon,thelattercommonlyearnfifteenandeighteen。Nospeciesofskilledlabour,however,seemsmoreeasytolearnthanthatofmasonsandbricklayers。ChairmeninLondon,duringthesummerseason,aresaidsometimestobeemployedasbricklayers。Thehighwagesofthoseworkmen,therefore,arenotsomuchtherecompenseoftheirskill,asthecompensationfortheinconstancyoftheiremployment。

  Ahousecarpenterseemstoexerciseratheranicerandmoreingenioustradethanamason。Inmostplaces,however,foritisnotuniversallyso,hisday—wagesaresomewhatlower。Hisemployment,thoughitdependsmuch,doesnotdependsoentirelyupontheoccasionalcallsofhiscustomers;anditisnotliabletobeinterruptedbytheweather。

  Whenthetradeswhichgenerallyaffordconstantemploymenthappeninaparticularplacenottodoso,thewagesoftheworkmenalwaysriseagooddealabovetheirordinaryproportiontothoseofcommonlabour。InLondonalmostalljourneymenartificersareliabletobecalleduponanddismissedbytheirmastersfromdaytoday,andfromweektoweek,inthesamemannerasday—labourersinotherplaces。Thelowestorderofartificers,journeymentailors,accordingly,earntherehalfacrowna—day,thougheighteenpencemaybereckonedthewagesofcommonlabour。Insmalltownsandcountryvillages,thewagesofjourneymentailorsfrequentlyscarceequalthoseofcommonlabour;butinLondontheyareoftenmanyweekswithoutemployment,particularlyduringthesummer。

  Whentheinconstancyofemploymentiscombinedwiththehardship,disagreeablenessanddirtinessofthework,itsometimesraisesthewagesofthemostcommonlabourabovethoseofthemostskilfulartificers。Acollierworkingbythepieceissupposed,atNewcastle,toearncommonlyaboutdouble,andinmanypartsofScotlandaboutthreetimesthewagesofcommonlabour。Hishighwagesarisealtogetherfromthehardship,disagreeableness,anddirtinessofhiswork。Hisemploymentmay,uponmostoccasions,beasconstantashepleases。Thecoal—heaversinLondonexerciseatradewhichinhardship,dirtiness,anddisagreeableness,almostequalsthatofcolliers;

  andfromtheunavoidableirregularityinthearrivalsofcoal—ships,theemploymentofthegreaterpartofthemisnecessarilyveryinconstant。Ifcolliers,therefore,commonlyearndoubleandtriplethewagesofcommonlabour,itoughtnottoseemunreasonablethatcoal—heaversshouldsometimesearnfourandfivetimesthosewages。Intheinquirymadeintotheirconditionafewyearsago,itwasfoundthatattherateatwhichtheywerethenpaid,theycouldearnfromsixtotenshillingsaday。SixshillingsareaboutfourtimesthewagesofcommonlabourinLondon,andineveryparticulartradethelowestcommonearningsmayalwaysbeconsideredasthoseofthefargreaternumber。Howextravagantsoeverthoseearningsmayappear,iftheyweremorethansufficienttocompensateallthedisagreeablecircumstancesofthebusiness,therewouldsoonbesogreatanumberofcompetitorsas,inatradewhichhasnoexclusiveprivilege,wouldquicklyreducethemtoalowerrate。

  Theconstancyorinconstancyofemploymentcannotaffecttheordinaryprofitsofstockinanyparticulartrade。Whetherthestockisorisnotconstantlyemployeddepends。notuponthetrade,butthetrader。

  Fourthly,thewagesoflabourvaryaccordinglytothesmallorgreattrustwhichmustbereposedintheworkmen。

  Thewagesofgoldsmithsandjewellersareeverywheresuperiortothoseofmanyotherworkmen,notonlyofequal,butofmuchsuperioringenuity,onaccountofthepreciousmaterialswithwhichtheyareintrusted。

  Wetrustourhealthtothephysician:ourfortuneandsometimesourlifeandreputationtothelawyerandattorney。

  Suchconfidencecouldnotsafelybereposedinpeopleofaverymeanorlowcondition。Theirrewardmustbesuch,therefore,asmaygivethemthatrankinthesocietywhichsoimportantatrustrequires。Thelongtimeandthegreatexpensewhichmustbelaidoutintheireducation,whencombinedwiththiscircumstance,necessarilyenhancestillfurtherthepriceoftheirlabour。

  Whenapersonemploysonlyhisownstockintrade,thereisnotrust;andthecreditwhichhemaygetfromotherpeopledepends,notuponthenatureofhistrade,butupontheiropinionofhisfortune,probity,andprudence。Thedifferentratesofprofit,therefore,inthedifferentbranchesoftrade,cannotarisefromthedifferentdegreesoftrustreposedinthetraders。

  Fifthly,thewagesoflabourindifferent。employmentsvaryaccordingtotheprobabilityorimprobabilityofsuccessinthem。

  Theprobabilitythatanyparticularpersonshalleverbequalifiedfortheemploymenttowhichheiseducatedisverydifferentindifferentoccupations。Inthegreaterpartofmechanictrades,successisalmostcertain;butveryuncertainintheliberalprofessions。Putyoursonapprenticetoashoemaker,thereislittledoubtofhislearningtomakeapairofshoes;

  butsendhimtostudythelaw,itisatleasttwentytooneifeverhemakessuchproficiencyaswillenablehimtolivebythebusiness。Inaperfectlyfairlottery,thosewhodrawtheprizesoughttogainallthatislostbythosewhodrawtheblanks。Inaprofessionwheretwentyfailforonethatsucceeds,thatoneoughttogainallthatshouldhavebeengainedbytheunsuccessfultwenty。Thecounsellor—at—lawwho,perhaps,atnearfortyyearsofage,beginstomakesomethingbyhisprofession,oughttoreceivetheretribution,notonlyofhisownsotediousandexpensiveeducation,butthatofmorethantwentyotherswhoareneverlikelytomakeanythingbyit。Howextravagantsoeverthefeesofcounsellors—at—lawmaysometimesappear,theirrealretributionisneverequaltothis。Computeinanyparticularplacewhatislikelytobeannuallygained,andwhatislikelytobeannuallyspent,byallthedifferentworkmeninanycommontrade,suchasthatofshoemakersorweavers,andyouwillfindthattheformersumwillgenerallyexceedthelatter。Butmakethesamecomputationwithregardtoallthecounsellorsandstudentsoflaw,inallthedifferentinnsofcourt,andyouwillfindthattheirannualgainsbearbutaverysmallproportiontotheirannualexpense,eventhoughyouratetheformerashigh,andthelatteraslow,ascanwellbedone。Thelotteryofthelaw,therefore,isveryfarfrombeingaperfectlyfairlottery;

  andthat,aswellasmanyotherliberalandhonourableprofessions,are,inpointofpecuniarygain,evidentlyunder—recompensed。

  Thoseprofessionskeeptheirlevel,however,withotheroccupations,and,notwithstandingthesediscouragements,allthemostgenerousandliberalspiritsareeagertocrowdintothem。

  Twodifferentcausescontributetorecommendthem。First,thedesireofthereputationwhichattendsuponsuperiorexcellenceinanyofthem;and,secondly,thenaturalconfidencewhicheverymanhasmoreorless,notonlyinhisownabilities,butinhisowngoodfortune。

  Toexcelinanyprofession,inwhichbutfewarriveatmediocrity,isthemostdecisivemarkofwhatiscalledgeniusorsuperiortalents。Thepublicadmirationwhichattendsuponsuchdistinguishedabilitiesmakesalwaysapartoftheirreward;agreaterorsmallerinproportionasitishigherorlowerindegree。Itmakesaconsiderablepartofthatrewardintheprofessionofphysic;astillgreaterperhapsinthatoflaw;inpoetryandphilosophyitmakesalmostthewhole。

  Therearesomeveryagreeableandbeautifultalentsofwhichthepossessioncommandsacertainsortofadmiration;butofwhichtheexerciseforthesakeofgainisconsidered,whetherfromreasonorprejudice,asasortofpublicprostitution。Thepecuniaryrecompense,therefore,ofthosewhoexercisetheminthismannermustbesufficient,notonlytopayforthetime,labour,andexpenseofacquiringthetalents,butforthediscreditwhichattendstheemploymentofthemasthemeansofsubsistence。Theexorbitantrewardsofplayers,opera—singers,opera—dancers,etc。,arefoundeduponthosetwoprinciples;therarityandbeautyofthetalents,andthediscreditofemployingtheminthismanner。Itseemsabsurdatfirstsightthatweshoulddespisetheirpersonsandyetrewardtheirtalentswiththemostprofuseliberality。Whilewedotheone,however,wemustofnecessitydotheother。Shouldthepublicopinionorprejudiceeveralterwithregardtosuchoccupations,theirpecuniaryrecompensewouldquicklydiminish。Morepeoplewouldapplytothem,andthecompetitionwouldquicklyreducethepriceoftheirlabour。Suchtalents,thoughfarfrombeingcommon,arebynomeanssorareasisimagined。Manypeoplepossessthemingreatperfection,whodisdaintomakethisuseofthem;andmanymorearecapableofacquiringthem,ifanythingcouldbemadehonourablybythem。

  Theoverweeningconceitwhichthegreaterpartofmenhaveoftheirownabilitiesisanancientevilremarkedbythephilosophersandmoralistsofallages。Theirabsurdpresumptionintheirowngoodfortunehasbeenlesstakennoticeof。Itis,however,ifpossible,stillmoreuniversal。Thereisnomanlivingwho,whenintolerablehealthandspirits,hasnotsomeshareofit。Thechanceofgainisbyeverymanmoreorlessovervalued,andthechanceoflossisbymostmenundervalued,andbyscarceanyman,whoisintolerablehealthandspirits,valuedmorethanitisworth。

  Thatthechanceofgainisnaturallyovervalued,wemaylearnfromtheuniversalsuccessoflotteries。Theworldneithereversaw,noreverwillsee,aperfectlyfairlottery;oroneinwhichthewholegaincompensatedthewholeloss;becausetheundertakercouldmakenothingbyit。Inthestatelotteriestheticketsarereallynotworththepricewhichispaidbytheoriginalsubscribers,andyetcommonlysellinthemarketfortwenty,thirty,andsometimesfortypercentadvance。Thevainhopeofgainingsomeofthegreatprizesisthesolecauseofthisdemand。Thesoberestpeoplescarcelookuponitasafollytopayasmallsumforthechanceofgainingtenortwentythousandpounds;thoughtheyknowthateventhatsmallsumisperhapstwentyorthirtypercentmorethanthechanceisworth。

  Inalotteryinwhichnoprizeexceededtwentypounds,thoughinotherrespectsitapproachedmuchnearertoaperfectlyfaironethanthecommonstatelotteries,therewouldnotbethesamedemandfortickets。Inordertohaveabetterchanceforsomeofthegreatprizes,somepeoplepurchaseseveraltickets,andothers,smallshareinastillgreaternumber。Thereisnot,however,amorecertainpropositioninmathematicsthanthatthemoreticketsyouadventureupon,themorelikelyyouaretobealoser。Adventureuponalltheticketsinthelottery,andyouloseforcertain;andthegreaterthenumberofyourticketstheneareryouapproachtothiscertainty。

  Thatthechanceoflossisfrequentlyundervalued,andscarceevervaluedmorethanitisworth,wemaylearnfromaverymoderateprofitofinsurers。Inordertomakeinsurance,eitherfromfireorsea—risk,atradeatall,thecommonpremiummustbesufficienttocompensatethecommonlosses,topaytheexpenseofmanagement,andtoaffordsuchaprofitasmighthavebeendrawnfromanequalcapitalemployedinanycommontrade。

  Thepersonwhopaysnomorethanthisevidentlypaysnomorethantherealvalueoftherisk,orthelowestpriceatwhichhecanreasonablyexpecttoinsureit。Butthoughmanypeoplehavemadealittlemoneybyinsurance,veryfewhavemadeagreatfortune;

  andfromthisconsiderationalone,itseemsevidentenoughthattheordinarybalanceofprofitandlossisnotmoreadvantageousinthisthaninothercommontradesbywhichsomanypeoplemakefortunes。Moderate,however,asthepremiumofinsurancecommonlyis,manypeopledespisetherisktoomuchtocaretopayit。

  Takingthewholekingdomatanaverage,nineteenhousesintwenty,orratherperhapsninety—nineinahundred,arenotinsuredfromfire。Seariskismorealarmingtothegreaterpartofpeople,andtheproportionofshipsinsuredtothosenotinsuredismuchgreater。Manyfail,however,atallseasons,andevenintimeofwar,withoutanyinsurance。Thismaysometimesperhapsbedonewithoutanyimprudence。Whenagreatcompany,orevenagreatmerchant,hastwentyorthirtyshipsatsea,theymay,asitwere,insureoneanother。Thepremiumsaveduponthemallmaymorethancompensatesuchlossesastheyarelikelytomeetwithinthecommoncourseofchances。Theneglectofinsuranceuponshipping,however,inthesamemannerasuponhouses,is,inmostcases,theeffectofnosuchnicecalculation,butofmerethoughtlessrashnessandpresumptuouscontemptoftherisk。

  Thecontemptofriskandthepresumptuoushopeofsuccessareinnoperiodoflifemoreactivethanattheageatwhichyoungpeoplechoosetheirprofessions。HowlittlethefearofmisfortuneisthencapableofbalancingthehopeofgoodluckappearsstillmoreevidentlyinthereadinessofthecommonPeopletoenlistassoldiers,ortogotosea,thanintheeagernessofthoseofbetterfashiontoenterintowhatarecalledtheliberalprofessions。

  Whatacommonsoldiermayloseisobviousenough。Withoutregardingthedanger,however,youngvolunteersneverenlistsoreadilyasatthebeginningofanewwar;andthoughtheyhavescarceanychanceofpreferment,theyfiguretothemselves,intheiryouthfulfancies,athousandoccasionsofacquiringhonouranddistinctionwhichneveroccur。Theseromantichopesmakethewholepriceoftheirblood。Theirpayislessthanthatofcommonlabourers,andinactualservicetheirfatiguesaremuchgreater。

  Thelotteryoftheseaisnotaltogethersodisadvantageousasthatofthearmy。Thesonofacreditablelabourerorartificermayfrequentlygotoseawithhisfather’sconsent;butifheenlistsasasoldier,itisalwayswithoutit。Otherpeopleseesomechanceofhismakingsomethingbytheonetrade:nobodybuthimselfseesanyofhismakinganythingbytheother。Thegreatadmiralislesstheobjectofpublicadmirationthanthegreatgeneral,andthehighestsuccessintheseaservicepromisesalessbrilliantfortuneandreputationthanequalsuccessintheland。Thesamedifferencerunsthroughalltheinferiordegreesofprefermentinboth。Bytherulesofprecedencyacaptaininthenavyrankswithacolonelinthearmy;buthedoesnotrankwithhiminthecommonestimation。Asthegreatprizesinthelotteryareless,thesmalleronesmustbemorenumerous。Commonsailors,therefore,morefrequentlygetsomefortuneandprefermentthancommonsoldiers;andthehopeofthoseprizesiswhatprincipallyrecommendsthetrade。Thoughtheirskillanddexterityaremuchsuperiortothatofalmostanyartificers,andthoughtheirwholelifeisonecontinualsceneofhardshipanddanger,yetforallthisdexterityandskill,forallthosehardshipsanddangers,whiletheyremainintheconditionofcommonsailors,theyreceivescarceanyotherrecompensebutthepleasureofexercisingtheoneandofsurmountingtheother。Theirwagesarenotgreaterthanthoseofcommonlabourersattheportwhichregulatestherateofseamen’swages。Astheyarecontinuallygoingfromporttoport,themonthlypayofthosewhosailfromallthedifferentportsofGreatBritainismorenearlyuponalevelthanthatofanyotherworkmeninthosedifferentplaces;andtherateoftheporttoandfromwhichthegreatestnumbersail,thatistheportofLondon,regulatesthatofalltherest。AtLondonthewagesofthegreaterpartofthedifferentclassesofworkmenareaboutdoublethoseofthesameclassesatEdinburgh。ButthesailorswhosailfromtheportofLondonseldomearnabovethreeorfourshillingsamonthmorethanthosewhosailfromtheportofLeith,andthedifferenceisfrequentlynotsogreat。Intimeofpeace,andinthemerchantservice,theLondonpriceisfromaguineatoaboutseven—and—twentyshillingsthecalendarmonth。A

  commonlabourerinLondon,attherateofnineortenshillingsaweek,mayearninthecalendarmonthfromfortytofive—and—fortyshillings。Thesailor,indeed,overandabovehispay,issuppliedwithprovisions。Theirvalue,however,maynotperhapsalwaysexceedthedifferencebetweenhispayandthatofthecommonlabourer;andthoughitsometimesshould,theexcesswillnotbecleargaintothesailor,becausehecannotshareitwithhiswifeandfamily,whomhemustmaintainoutofhiswagesathome。

  Thedangersandhairbreadthescapesofalifeofadventures,insteadofdishearteningyoungpeople,seemfrequentlytorecommendatradetothem。Atendermother,amongtheinferiorranksofpeople,isofafraidtosendhersontoschoolataseaporttown,lestthesightoftheshipsandtheconversationandadventuresofthesailorsshouldenticehimtogotosea。Thedistantprospectofhazards,fromwhichwecanhopetoextricateourselvesbycourageandaddress,isnotdisagreeabletous,anddoesnotraisethewagesoflabourinanyemployment。Itisotherwisewiththoseinwhichcourageandaddresscanbeofnoavail。Intradeswhichareknowntobeveryunwholesome,thewagesoflabourarealwaysremarkablyhigh。Unwholesomenessisaspeciesofdisagreeableness,anditseffectsuponthewagesoflabouraretoberankedunderthatgeneralhead。

  Inallthedifferentemploymentsofstock,theordinaryrateofprofitvariesmoreorlesswiththecertaintyoruncertaintyofthereturns。Theseareingenerallessuncertainintheinlandthanintheforeigntrade,andinsomebranchesofforeigntradethaninothers;inthetradetoNorthAmerica,forexample,thaninthattoJamaica。Theordinaryrateofprofitalwaysrisesmoreorlesswiththerisk。Itdoesnot,however,seemtoriseinproportiontoit,orsoastocompensateitcompletely。

  Bankruptciesaremostfrequentinthemosthazardoustrades。Themosthazardousofalltrades,thatofasmuggler,thoughwhentheadventuresucceedsitislikewisethemostprofitable,istheinfallibleroadtobankruptcy。Thepresumptuoushopeofsuccessseemstoacthereasuponallotheroccasions,andtoenticesomanyadventurersintothosehazardoustrades,thattheircompetitionreducestheirprofitbelowwhatissufficienttocompensatetherisk。Tocompensateitcompletely,thecommonreturnsought,overandabovetheordinaryprofitsofstock,notonlytomakeupforalloccasionallosses,buttoaffordasurplusprofittotheadventurersofthesamenaturewiththeprofitofinsurers。Butifthecommonreturnsweresufficientforallthis,bankruptcieswouldnotbemorefrequentinthesethaninothertrades。

  Ofthefivecircumstances,therefore,whichvarythewagesoflabour,twoonlyaffecttheprofitsofstock;theagreeablenessordisagreeablenessofthebusiness,andtheriskorsecuritywithwhichitisattended。Inpointofagreeableness,thereislittleornodifferenceinthefargreaterpartofthedifferentemploymentsofstock;butagreatdealinthoseoflabour;andtheordinaryprofitofstock,thoughitriseswiththerisk,doesnotalwaysseemtoriseinproportiontoit。Itshouldfollowfromallthis,that,inthesamesocietyorneighbourhood,theaverageandordinaryratesofprofitinthedifferentemploymentsofstockshouldbemorenearlyuponalevelthanthepecuniarywagesofthedifferentsortsoflabour。Theyaresoaccordingly。Thedifferencebetweentheearningsofacommonlabourerandthoseofawellemployedlawyerorphysician,isevidentlymuchgreaterthanthatbetweentheordinaryprofitsinanytwodifferentbranchesoftrade。Theapparentdifference,besides,intheprofitsofdifferenttrades,isgenerallyadeceptionarisingfromournotalwaysdistinguishingwhatoughttobeconsideredaswages,fromwhatoughttobeconsideredasprofit。

  Apothecaries’profitisbecomeabye—word,denotingsomethinguncommonlyextravagant。Thisgreatapparentprofit,however,isfrequentlynomorethanthereasonablewagesoflabour。Theskillofanapothecaryisamuchnicerandmoredelicatematterthanthatofanyartificerwhatever;andthetrustwhichisreposedinhimisofmuchgreaterimportance。Heisthephysicianofthepoorinallcases,andoftherichwhenthedistressordangerisnotverygreat。Hisreward,therefore,oughttobesuitabletohisskillandhistrust,anditarisesgenerallyfromthepriceatwhichhesellshisdrugs。Butthewholedrugswhichthebestemployedapothecary,inalargemarkettown,willsellinayear,maynotperhapscosthimabovethirtyorfortypounds。Thoughheshouldsellthem,therefore,forthreeorfourhundred,oratathousandpercentprofit,thismayfrequentlybenomorethanthereasonablewagesofhislabourcharged,intheonlywayinwhichhecanchargethem,uponthepriceofhisdrugs。Thegreaterpartoftheapparentprofitisrealwagesdisguisedinthegarbofprofit。

  Inasmallseaporttown,alittlegrocerwillmakefortyorfiftypercentuponastockofasinglehundredpounds,whileaconsiderablewholesalemerchantinthesameplacewillscarcemakeeightortenpercentuponastockoftenthousand。Thetradeofthegrocermaybenecessaryfortheconveniencyoftheinhabitants,andthenarrownessofthemarketmaynotadmittheemploymentofalargercapitalinthebusiness。Theman,however,mustnotonlylivebyhistrade,butlivebyitsuitablytothequalificationswhichitrequires。Besidespossessingalittlecapital,hemustbeabletoread,write,andaccount,andmustbeatolerablejudgetooof,perhaps,fiftyorsixtydifferentsortsofgoods,theirprices,qualities,andthemarketswheretheyaretobehadcheapest。Hemusthavealltheknowledge,inshort,thatisnecessaryforagreatmerchant,whichnothinghindershimfrombecomingbutthewantofasufficientcapital。ThirtyorfortypoundsayearcannotbeconsideredastoogreatarecompenseforthelabourofapersonsoAccomplished。Deductthisfromtheseeminglygreatprofitsofhiscapital,andlittlemorewillremain,perhaps,thantheordinaryprofitsofstock。

  Thegreaterpartoftheapparentprofitis,inthiscasetoo,realwages。

  Thedifferencebetweentheapparentprofitoftheretailandthatofthewholesaletrade,ismuchlessinthecapitalthaninsmalltownsandcountryvillages。Wheretenthousandpoundscanbeemployedinthegrocerytrade,thewagesofthegrocer’slabourmakebutaverytriflingadditiontotherealprofitsofsogreatastock。Theapparentprofitsofthewealthyretailer,therefore,aretheremorenearlyuponalevelwiththoseofthewholesalemerchant。Itisuponthisaccountthatgoodssoldbyretailaregenerallyascheapandfrequentlymuchcheaperinthecapitalthaninsmalltownsandcountryvillages。Grocerygoods,forexample,aregenerallymuchcheaper;breadandbutcher’smeatfrequentlyascheap。Itcostsnomoretobringgrocerygoodstothegreattownthantothecountryvillage;butitcostsagreatdealmoretobringcornandcattle,asthegreaterpartofthemmustbebroughtfromamuchgreaterdistance。Theprimecostofgrocerygoods,therefore,beingthesameinbothplaces,theyarecheapestwheretheleastprofitischargeduponthem。Theprimecostofbreadandbutcher’smeatisgreaterinthegreattownthaninthecountryvillage;andthoughtheprofitisless,therefore,theyarenotalwayscheaperthere,butoftenequallycheap。Insucharticlesasbreadandbutcher’smeat,thesamecause,whichdiminishesapparentprofit,increasesprimecost。

  Theextentofthemarket,bygivingemploymenttogreaterstocks,diminishesapparentprofit;butbyrequiringsuppliesfromagreaterdistance,itincreasesprimecost。Thisdiminutionoftheoneandincreaseoftheotherseem,inmostcases,nearlytocounterbalanceoneanother,whichisprobablythereasonthat,thoughthepricesofcornandcattlearecommonlyverydifferentindifferentpartsofthekingdom,thoseofbreadandbutcher’smeataregenerallyverynearlythesamethroughthegreaterpartofit。

  Thoughtheprofitsofstockbothinthewholesaleandretailtradearegenerallylessinthecapitalthaninsmalltownsandcountryvillages,yetgreatfortunesarefrequentlyacquiredfromsmallbeginningsintheformer,andscarceeverinthelatter。Insmalltownsandcountryvillages,onaccountofthenarrownessofthemarket,tradecannotalwaysbeextendedasstockextends。Insuchplaces,therefore,thoughtherateofaparticularperson’sprofitsmaybeveryhigh,thesumoramountofthemcanneverbeverygreat,norconsequentlythatofhisannualaccumulation。Ingreattowns,onthecontrary,tradecanbeextendedasstockincreases,andthecreditofafrugalandthrivingmanincreasesmuchfasterthanhisstock。Histradeisextendedinproportiontotheamountofboth,andthesumoramountofhisprofitsisinproportiontotheextentofhistrade,andhisannualaccumulationinproportiontotheamountofhisprofits。Itseldomhappens,however,thatgreatfortunesaremadeeveningreattownsbyanyoneregular,established,andwell—knownbranchofbusiness,butinconsequenceofalonglifeofindustry,frugality,andattention。Suddenfortunes,indeed,aresometimesmadeinsuchplacesbywhatiscalledthetradeofspeculation。Thespeculativemerchantexercisesnooneregular,established,orwell—knownbranchofbusiness。Heisacornmerchantthisyear,andawinemerchantthenext,andasugar,tobacco,orteamerchanttheyearafter。Heentersintoeverytradewhenheforeseesthatitislikelytobemorethancommonlyprofitable,andhequitsitwhenheforeseesthatitsprofitsarelikelytoreturntothelevelofothertrades。Hisprofitsandlosses,therefore,canbearnoregularproportiontothoseofanyoneestablishedandwell—knownbranchofbusiness。Aboldadventurermaysometimesacquireaconsiderablefortunebytwoorthreesuccessfulspeculations;butisjustaslikelytoloseonebytwoorthreeunsuccessfulones。Thistradecanbecarriedonnowherebutingreattowns。Itisonlyinplacesofthemostextensivecommerceandcorrespondencethattheintelligencerequisiteforitcanbehad。

  Thefivecircumstancesabovementioned,thoughtheyoccasionconsiderableinequalitiesinthewagesoflabourandprofitsofstock,occasionnoneinthewholeoftheadvantagesanddisadvantages,realorimaginary,ofthedifferentemploymentsofeither。Thenatureofthosecircumstancesissuchthattheymakeupforasmallpecuniarygaininsome,andcounterbalanceagreatoneinothers。

  Inorder,however,thatthisequalitymaytakeplaceinthewholeoftheiradvantagesordisadvantages,threethingsarerequisiteevenwherethereisthemostperfectfreedom。First,theemploymentsmustbewellknownandlongestablishedintheneighbourhood;secondly,theymustbeintheirordinary,orwhatmaybecalledtheirnaturalstate;and,thirdly,theymustbethesoleorprincipalemploymentsofthosewhooccupythem。

  First,thisequalitycantakeplaceonlyinthoseemploymentswhicharewellknown,andhavebeenlongestablishedintheneighbourhood。

  Whereallothercircumstancesareequal,wagesaregenerallyhigherinnewthaninoldtrades。Whenaprojectorattemptstoestablishanewmanufacture,hemustatfirstenticehisworkmenfromotheremploymentsbyhigherwagesthantheycaneitherearnintheirowntrades,orthanthenatureofhisworkwouldotherwiserequire,andaconsiderabletimemustpassawaybeforehecanventuretoreducethemtothecommonlevel。Manufacturesforwhichthedemandarisesaltogetherfromfashionandfancyarecontinuallychanging,andseldomlastlongenoughtobeconsideredasoldestablishedmanufactures。Those,onthecontrary,forwhichthedemandariseschieflyfromuseornecessity,arelessliabletochange,andthesameformorfabricmaycontinueindemandforwholecenturiestogether。Thewagesoflabour,therefore,arelikelytobehigherinmanufacturesoftheformerthaninthoseofthelatterkind。Birminghamdealschieflyinmanufacturesoftheformerkind;Sheffieldinthoseofthelatter;andthewagesoflabourinthosetwodifferentplacesaresaidtobesuitabletothisdifferenceinthenatureoftheirmanufactures。

  Theestablishmentofanynewmanufacture,ofanynewbranchofcommerce,orofanynewpracticeinagriculture,isalwaysaspeculation,fromwhichtheprojectorpromiseshimselfextraordinaryprofits。Theseprofitssometimesareverygreat,andsometimes,morefrequently,perhaps,theyarequiteotherwise;butingeneraltheybearnoregularproportiontothoseofotheroldtradesintheneighbourhood。Iftheprojectsucceeds,theyarecommonlyatfirstveryhigh。Whenthetradeorpracticebecomesthoroughlyestablishedandwellknown,thecompetitionreducesthemtothelevelofothertrades。

  Secondly,thisequalityinthewholeoftheadvantagesanddisadvantagesofthedifferentemploymentsoflabourandstock,cantakeplaceonlyintheordinary,orwhatmaybecalledthenaturalstateofthoseemployments。

  Thedemandforalmosteverydifferentspeciesoflabourissometimesgreaterandsometimeslessthanusual。Intheonecasetheadvantagesoftheemploymentriseabove,intheothertheyfallbelowthecommonlevel。Thedemandforcountrylabourisgreaterathay—timeandharvestthanduringthegreaterpartoftheyear;andwagesrisewiththedemand。Intimeofwar,whenfortyorfiftythousandsailorsareforcedfromthemerchantserviceintothatoftheking,thedemandforsailorstomerchantshipsnecessarilyriseswiththeirscarcity,andtheirwagesuponsuchoccasionscommonlyrisefromaguineaandseven—and—twentyshillings,tofortyshillingsandthreepoundsamonth。Inadecayingmanufacture,onthecontrary,manyworkmen,ratherthanquittheiroldtrade,arecontentedwithsmallerwagesthanwouldotherwisebesuitabletothenatureoftheiremployment。

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