141。HequalifiesthistosomeextentintheLiberty。Thestateshouldenforceeducationandpayforit，butnotprovideschools。
Thelineishardtodraw。
142。SeeespeciallyPoliticalEconomy，p。585bk。v。ch。xi。
section14。
143。PoliticalEconomy，p。138bk。ii。ch。ii。section4。
144。Ibid。p。61bk。i。ch。vi。section3。
145。PoliticalEconomy，p。581bk。v。ch。xi。section12。
146。J。S。Mill’sAnsichtenuberdieSocialeFrage，etc。1866。
147。FortnightlyReviewforFebruary1879。
148。PoliticalEconomyfirsteditioni。252-53。
149。Autobiography，p。246。
150。PoliticalEconomy，p。123bk。ii。ch。i。section1。
151。Dissertations，iv。59。
152。Ibid。iv。240。
153。LeadingPrinciples，p。333。
154。Dissertations，iv。263。
155。Ibid。iv。285。
156。Ibid。iv。274。
157。Ibid。iv。269。
158。Ibid。iv。60。ThewholedoctrinethatthesanctityofpropertydependsuponthemodeofacquisitionbyremoteproprietorsseemstobescarcelyreconcilablewithsoundUtilitarianism。
159。AftergivingAdamSmith’sfamousaccountofthecausesofthevaryingratesofwages，Millpointsout’aclassofconsiderations’toomuchneglectedbyhispredecessors：cases，namely，inwhichunskilledlabourersareinsufficientlypaid；andremarksthatthereisalmosta’hereditarydistinctionofcaste。’——
PoliticalEconomy，p。238bk。ii。ch。xiv。section2。
160。PoliticalEconomy，p。456bk。iv。ch。vii。section1。
161。Ibid。p。129bk。ii。ch。i。section3。
162。’OntheDefinitionofPoliticalEconomy，andontheMethodofInvestigationpropertoit。’ReprintedinUnsettledQuestions，andquotedintheLogic，p。288bk。vi。ch。ix。section3。
163。UnsettledQuestions，p。143。
164。Autobiography，p。210。
165。See，e。g。，Comte’sPhilosophiePositive，iv。266-78。ThefourthvolumeofComtedisappointedMill，ashesays；andthisprobablyexplainsonereason。
166。Logic，p。590bk。vi。ch。ix。section4。
167。UnsettledQuestions，p。148。
168。Ibid。pp。137-50。
169。MillmakesthisremarkhimselfinwritingtoComteaboutphrenology。
ChapterIV
PoliticsandEthicsI。Mill’sProblemInthePoliticalEconomyMillhadtoucheduponcertainethicalandpoliticalquestions。Theseareexplicitlytreatedinalatergroupofworks。ThefirstandmostimportantwastheessayuponLiberty1859。Ihavealreadyspokenoftheelaboratecompositionofthis，hismostcarefullywrittentreatise。1*Thebook，welcomedbymanyevenofhisopponents，containsalsothecleareststatementofhismostcharacteristicdoctrine。ThetreatisesonRepresentativeGovernment1861，upontheSubjectionofWomenwrittenatthesametime，butnotpublishedtill1869，anduponUtilitarianisminFraser’sMagazine，1861，andasabookin1863，arecloselyconnectedwiththeLiberty，andtogethergivewhatmaybecalledhistheoryofconduct。2*I
shalltrytobringouttheirleadingprinciples。
TheLiberty，saysMill，couldhavenoclaimtooriginalityexceptinsofarasthoughtswhicharealreadycommonpropertyreceiveaspecialimpresswhenutteredbyathoughtfulmind。
Hymnstoliberty，indeed，havebeensungsolongandsopersistentlythatthesubjectoughttohavebeenexhausted。Theadmissionthatlibertycanbeinanycaseanevilisgenerallyevadedbyadeviceoftouchingsimplicity。Liberty，whenbad，isnotcalledliberty。’Licence，theymean，’asMiltonputsit，’whentheycryliberty。’Benthamexposesthesophistryveryneatlyasacaseof’sham-distinctions’inthebookof’Fallacies。’3*
Thegeneralsentimentisperfectlyintelligiblefromthejacobinpointofview。Atatimewhenlegislatorsweresupposedtohavecreatedconstitutions，andprieststohaveinventedreligions，historywastakenasarecordofthestruggleofmankindagainstfraudandforce。Warissimplymurderonalargescale，andgovernmentforceorganisedtosupporttyrants。Allpoliticalevilscanbeattributedtokings，andsuperstitiontopriests，withoutblamingsubjectsforslavishnessandstupidity。
Suchlanguagetookthetoneofanewgospelduringthegreatrevolutionarymovementsoftheeighteenthcentury。Menwhoweresweepingawaytheeffeteinstitutionsupheldbyprivilegedclassesassumed’Liberty’tobeanabsoluteandultimateprinciple。TheUtilitarians，thoughpoliticalallies，wereopposedintheorytothismethodofargument。Liberty，likeeverythingelse，mustbejudgedbyitseffectsuponhappiness。
Society，accordingtothem，isheldtogetherbythesovereign。
Hisexistence，therefore，isessentiallynecessary，andhispoweralmostunlimited。Thegreaterwastheimportanceofdecidingwhenandwhereitshouldbeused。BenthamandJamesMillassumedthatallendswouldbesecuredbymakingthesovereigntheservantofthepeople，andthereforecertaintoaimatthegreatesthappiness。Theyreachedthesameconclusions，therefore，asthosewhoreachedthembyarathershortercut，andtheirdoctrinedifferedlittleinitsabsoluteandaprioritendency。Thoroughdemocracywouldgivethepanacea。J。S。Millhadbecomeheretical。Ihavenoticedinhislifehowhehadbeenalarmedbythebrutalityandignoranceofthelowestclasses，andhadcometodoubtwhether’liberty，’asunderstoodbyhismasters，wouldnotmeanthedespoticruleoftheignorant。Thedoubtswhichhefeltweresharedbymanywhohadsetoutwiththesamepoliticalcreed。
Herewecomeoncemoretotheessentiallyfalsepositioninwhichthephilosophicalradicalsfoundthemselves。Themeanswhichtheyheartilyapprovedledtoendswhichtheyentirelyrepudiated。Theynotonlyapproved，butweremostactiveinadvocating，theadoptionofdemocraticmeasures。Theydemanded，inthenameofliberty，thatmenshouldhaveashareinmakingthelawsbywhichtheywerebound。Theresponsibilityofrulerswas，accordingtoJamesMill，theonerealprincipleofpolitics；
anditfollowedthat，tousethesacredphrase，the’sinisterinterests，whichdistractthemshouldbedestroyed。ThelegislationwhichfollowedtheReformBillgaveanapproximatesanctiontotheirdoctrine。Theabolitionofrotten-boroughsdestroyedthesinisterinterestofthelandowners；thereformofmunicipalities，thesinisterinterestoftheself-electedcorporations；thenewpoor-law，thesinisterinterestoftheparishvestries；andtheecclesiasticalreformsshowedthatgreatprelatesandancientcathedralswerenottoosacredtoberemodelledandmaderesponsible。Theprocessinevitablysmoothedthewayforcentralisation。Thestate，onemaysay，wasbeginningtocometolife。Thepowerswhich，inacentralisedgovernment，areexercisedbyanadministrativehierarchy，hadbeentreatedunderthecategoryofprivateproperty。Tointroduceresponsibilitywastoremovetheobstaclestouniformmachinery。
Vigorousactionbyacentralauthorityhadbeenimpossiblesolongaspowerhadbeenparcelledoutamonganumberofdifferentcentres，eachregardingitsprivilegesasinvestedwithallthesanctityofprivateproperty。Theduke，whoclaimedthathe’mightdoashewouldwithhisown’——includinghisboroughs——
hadsurrenderedthatpartofhispropertytothenewvoters。Theyenjoyedtheirrightsnotasapersonalattribute，butillvirtueofsatisfyingsomeuniformcondition。Forthetime，indeed，theconditionincluded，notsimplyaripeageandmasculinesex，but’ten-poundhouseholdership。’Powerheldbymenasmembersofaclassis，atanyrate，nolongerprivateproperty，butsomethingbelongingtotheclassingeneral，andnaturallyusedintheinterestsoftheclasscollectively。Thelegislaturecouldmakegeneralruleswhereitusedrathertoconfirmasetofdistinctbargainsmadewitheachproprietorofultimateauthority。Sofar，thegeneralisingandcentralisingprocesswasbothinevitableandapprovedbytheUtilitarians。Norcouldthey，asprominentadvocatesofcodificationandlaw-reformgenerally，objecttotheincreasedvigouroflegislationnolongertrammelledbythemultitudeoflittlesemi-independentcentres。Butafurtherimplicationoftenescapedtheirnotice。’Liberty’isincreasedbydestroyingprivilegeinthesensethattheindividualacquiresmoreinfluenceuponthelawsthatbindhim。Butitdoesnotfollowthathewillbe’freer’inthesenseofhavingfewerlawstobindhim。Thecontrarywasthecase。Theobjectiontotheprivilegeswaspreciselythatthepossessorsretainedthemwithoutdischargingthecorrelativefunctions。Thenoblesandthecorporationshadnotbeentooactive，buttooindolent。Theyhadleftthingsundone，orleftthemtobedoneafterahaphazardfashionbyindividualenergy。Themuch-lauded’self-government’
impliedanabsenceofgovernment，orpreciselythestateofthingswhichwasnolongerpossiblewhentheoldprivilegeswereupset。Thenewlyorganisedmunicipalitieshadtoundertakedutieswhichhadbeenneglectedbytheclosecorporations，andotherswhichhadbeenclumsilydischargedbyindividuals。TheresultwasthatthephilosophicalradicalsfoundthattheywerecreatingaFrankenstein。Theywerenotlimitingthesphereofgovernmentingeneral，onlygivingpowertoanewclasswhichwouldinmanywaysuseitmoreenergetically。Thedifferencecameoutintheeconomicmatterswherethedoctrineofnon-interferencehadbeenmostactivelypreached。TheChartistsandtheiralliesclaimedtheir’rights’asindisputablepossessions，whatevermightbetheconsequences。TotheUtilitariansthismeantthattheChartistswerepreparedinthenameofaprioriprinciplestoattackthemostnecessaryinstitutions，andflyinthefaceof’lawsofnature。’Theoldsystemhadtendedtokeepthepoormandown。TheChartistsystemwouldhelphimtoplundertherich。Therightprinciplewastoleaveeverythingto’supplyanddemand。’Asthecontrastbecameclearer，someofthephilosophicalradicalssubsidedintoWhiggism，andotherssankintoactualTories。Millremainedfaithful，butwithmodifiedviews。Hehadseeninthehostilityofthelowerclassestosoundeconomyanillustrationoftheignorance，selfishness，andbrutalityofthestilluneducatedmass。4*Buthedrewamoralofhisown。TheimpressionmadeuponhimbyTocqueville’sDemocracyinAmericaischaracteristic。Thatremarkablebookledhimtoaimataphilosophicalviewofthewholequestion。Itwasanimpartialstudyofthewholequestionofthesocialandpoliticaltendenciessummedupinthephrase，’democracy。’ThegeneralresultwastoopenMill’seyestoboththegoodandevilsidesofdemocracy，toregarddemocracyinsomeshapeasinevitableinsteadofmakingitareligionordenouncingitasdiabolical；