Inexaminingtheancientconstitutionofthejudicialpower，amongstmostEuropeannations，twothingsstrikethemind—theindependenceofthatpower，andtheextentofitsfunctions。Notonlydidthecourtsofjusticedecidealmostalldifferencesbetweenprivatepersons，butinverymanycasestheyactedasarbitersbetweenprivatepersonsandtheState。Idonotherealludetothepoliticalandadministrativeofficeswhichcourtsofjudicaturehadinsomecountriesusurped，butthejudicialofficecommontothemall。InmostofthecountriesofEurope，therewere，andtherestillare，manyprivaterights，connectedforthemostpartwiththegeneralrightofproperty，whichstoodundertheprotectionofthecourtsofjustice，andwhichtheStatecouldnotviolatewithouttheirsanction。Itwasthissemi—politicalpowerwhichmainlydistinguishedtheEuropeancourtsofjudicaturefromallothers;forallnationshavehadjudges，butallhavenotinvestedtheirjudgeswiththesameprivileges。UponexaminingwhatisnowoccurringamongstthedemocraticnationsofEuropewhicharecalledfree，aswellasamongsttheothers，itwillbeobservedthatnewandmoredependentcourtsareeverywherespringingupbythesideoftheoldones，fortheexpresspurposeofdeciding，byanextraordinaryjurisdiction，suchlitigatedmattersasmayarisebetweenthegovernmentandprivatepersons。Theelderjudicialpowerretainsitsindependence，butitsjurisdictionisnarrowed;
andthereisagrowingtendencytoreduceittobeexclusivelythearbiterbetweenprivateinterests。Thenumberofthesespecialcourtsofjusticeiscontinuallyincreasing，andtheirfunctionsincreaselikewise。Thusthegovernmentismoreandmoreabsolvedfromthenecessityofsubjectingitspolicyanditsrightstothesanctionofanotherpower。Asjudgescannotbedispensedwith，atleasttheStateistoselectthem，andalwaystoholdthemunderitscontrol;sothat，betweenthegovernmentandprivateindividuals，theyplacetheeffigyofjusticeratherthanjusticeitself。TheStateisnotsatisfiedwithdrawingallconcernstoitself，butitacquiresanever—increasingpowerofdecidingonthemallwithoutrestrictionandwithoutappeal。*d[Footnoted:AstrangesophismhasbeenmadeonthisheadinFrance。Whenasuitarisesbetweenthegovernmentandaprivateperson，itisnottobetriedbeforeanordinaryjudge—inorder，theysay，nottomixtheadministrativeandthejudicialpowers;asifitwerenottomixthosepowers，andtomixtheminthemostdangerousandoppressivemanner，toinvestthegovernmentwiththeofficeofjudgingandadministeringatthesametime。]
ThereexistsamongstthemodernnationsofEuropeonegreatcause，independentofallthosewhichhavealreadybeenpointedout，whichperpetuallycontributestoextendtheagencyortostrengthentheprerogativeofthesupremepower，thoughithasnotbeensufficientlyattendedto:Imeanthegrowthofmanufactures，whichisfosteredbytheprogressofsocialequality。Manufacturesgenerallycollectamultitudeofmenofthesamespot，amongstwhomnewandcomplexrelationsspringup。
Thesemenareexposedbytheircallingtogreatandsuddenalternationsofplentyandwant，duringwhichpublictranquillityisendangered。Itmayalsohappenthattheseemploymentssacrificethehealth，andeventhelife，ofthosewhogainbythem，orofthosewholivebythem。Thusthemanufacturingclassesrequiremoreregulation，superintendence，andrestraintthantheotherclassesofsociety，anditisnaturalthatthepowersofgovernmentshouldincreaseinthesameproportionasthoseclasses。
Thisisatruthofgeneralapplication;whatfollowsmoreespeciallyconcernsthenationsofEurope。Inthecenturieswhichprecededthatinwhichwelive，thearistocracywasinpossessionofthesoil，andwascompetenttodefendit:landedpropertywasthereforesurroundedbyamplesecurities，anditspossessorsenjoyedgreatindependence。Thisgaverisetolawsandcustomswhichhavebeenperpetuated，notwithstandingthesubdivisionoflandsandtheruinofthenobility;and，atthepresenttime，landownersandagriculturistsarestillthoseamongstthecommunitywhomusteasilyescapefromthecontrolofthesupremepower。Inthesesamearistocraticages，inwhichallthesourcesofourhistoryaretobetraced，personalpropertywasofsmallimportance，andthosewhopossesseditweredespisedandweak:themanufacturingclassformedanexceptioninthemidstofthosearistocraticcommunities;asithadnocertainpatronage，itwasnotoutwardlyprotected，andwasoftenunabletoprotectitself。
Henceahabitsprungupofconsideringmanufacturingpropertyassomethingofapeculiarnature，notentitledtothesamedeference，andnotworthyofthesamesecuritiesaspropertyingeneral;andmanufacturerswerelookeduponasasmallclassinthebulkofthepeople，whoseindependencewasofsmallimportance，andwhomightwithproprietybeabandonedtothedisciplinarypassionsofprinces。Onglancingoverthecodesofthemiddleages，oneissurprisedtosee，inthoseperiodsofpersonalindependence，withwhatincessantroyalregulationsmanufactureswerehampered，evenintheirsmallestdetails:onthispointcentralizationwasasactiveandasminuteasitcaneverbe。Sincethattimeagreatrevolutionhastakenplaceintheworld;manufacturingproperty，whichwasthenonlyinthegerm，hasspreadtillitcoversEurope:themanufacturingclasshasbeenmultipliedandenrichedbytheremnantsofallotherranks;ithasgrownandisstillperpetuallygrowinginnumber，inimportance，inwealth。Almostallthosewhodonotbelongtoitareconnectedwithitatleastonsomeonepoint;afterhavingbeenanexceptioninsociety，itthreatenstobecomethechief，ifnottheonly，class;neverthelessthenotionsandpoliticalprecedentsengenderedbyitofoldstillclingaboutit。Thesenotionsandtheseprecedentsremainunchanged，becausetheyareold，andalsobecausetheyhappentobeinperfectaccordancewiththenewnotionsandgeneralhabitsofourcontemporaries。
Manufacturingpropertythendoesnotextenditsrightsinthesameratioasitsimportance。Themanufacturingclassesdonotbecomelessdependent，whilsttheybecomemorenumerous;but，onthecontrary，itwouldseemasifdespotismlurkedwithinthem，andnaturallygrewwiththeirgrowth。*eAsanationbecomesmoreengagedinmanufactures，thewantofroads，canals，harbors，andotherworksofasemi—publicnature，whichfacilitatetheacquisitionofwealth，ismorestronglyfelt;andasanationbecomesmoredemocratic，privateindividualsarelessable，andtheStatemoreable，toexecuteworksofsuchmagnitude。Idonothesitatetoassertthatthemanifesttendencyofallgovernmentsatthepresenttimeistotakeuponthemselvesalonetheexecutionoftheseundertakings;bywhichmeanstheydailyholdincloserdependencethepopulationwhichtheygovern。
[Footnotee:Ishallquoteafewfactsincorroborationofthisremark。Minesarethenaturalsourcesofmanufacturingwealth:asmanufactureshavegrownupinEurope，astheproduceofmineshasbecomeofmoregeneralimportance，andgoodminingmoredifficultfromthesubdivisionofpropertywhichisaconsequenceoftheequalityofconditions，mostgovernmentshaveassertedarightofowningthesoilinwhichthemineslie，andofinspectingtheworks;whichhasneverbeenthecasewithanyotherkindofproperty。Thusmines，whichwereprivateproperty，liabletothesameobligationsandshelteredbythesameguaranteesasallotherlandedproperty，havefallenunderthecontroloftheState。TheStateeitherworksthemorfarmsthem;theownersofthemaremeretenants，derivingtheirrightsfromtheState;and，moreover，theStatealmosteverywhereclaimsthepowerofdirectingtheiroperations:itlaysdownrules，enforcestheadoptionofparticularmethods，subjectstheminingadventurerstoconstantsuperintendence，and，ifrefractory，theyareoustedbyagovernmentcourtofjustice，andthegovernmenttransferstheircontracttootherhands;sothatthegovernmentnotonlypossessesthemines，buthasalltheadventurersinitspower。
Nevertheless，asmanufacturesincrease，theworkingofoldminesincreasesalso;newonesareopened，theminingpopulationextendsandgrowsup;daybydaygovernmentsaugmenttheirsubterraneandominions，andpeoplethemwiththeiragents。]
Ontheotherhand，inproportionasthepowerofaStateincreases，anditsnecessitiesareaugmented，theStateconsumptionofmanufacturedproduceisalwaysgrowinglarger，andtoesecommoditiesaregenerallymadeinthearsenalsorestablishmentsofthegovernment。Thus，ineverykingdom，therulerbecomestheprincipalmanufacturer;hecollectsandretainsinhisserviceavastnumberofengineers，architects，mechanics，andhandicraftsmen。Notonlyishetheprincipalmanufacturer，buthetendsmoreandmoretobecomethechief，orratherthemasterofallothermanufacturers。Asprivatepersonsbecomemorepowerlessbybecomingmoreequal，theycaneffectnothinginmanufactureswithoutcombination;butthegovernmentnaturallyseekstoplacethesecombinationsunderitsowncontrol。
Itmustbeadmittedthatthesecollectivebeings，whicharecalledcombinations，arestrongerandmoreformidablethanaprivateindividualcaneverbe，andthattheyhavelessoftheresponsibilityoftheirownactions;whenceitseemsreasonablethattheyshouldnotbeallowedtoretainsogreatanindependenceofthesupremegovernmentasmightbeconcededtoaprivateindividual。
Rulersarethemoreapttofollowthislineofpolicy，astheirowninclinationsinvitethemtoit。Amongstdemocraticnationsitisonlybyassociationthattheresistanceofthepeopletothegovernmentcaneverdisplayitself:hencethelatteralwayslookswithill—favoronthoseassociationswhicharenotinitsownpower;anditiswellworthyofremark，thatamongstdemocraticnations，thepeoplethemselvesoftenentertainasecretfeelingoffearandjealousyagainsttheseveryassociations，whichpreventsthecitizensfromdefendingtheinstitutionsofwhichtheystandsomuchinneed。Thepowerandthedurationofthesesmallprivatebodies，inthemidstoftheweaknessandinstabilityofthewholecommunity，astonishandalarmthepeople;andthefreeusewhicheachassociationmakesofitsnaturalpowersisalmostregardedasadangerousprivilege。Alltheassociationswhichspringupinourageare，moreover，newcorporatepowers，whoserightshavenotbeensanctionedbytime;theycomeintoexistenceatatimewhenthenotionofprivaterightsisweak，andwhenthepowerofgovernmentisunbounded;henceitisnotsurprisingthattheylosetheirfreedomattheirbirth。AmongstallEuropeannationstherearesomekindsofassociationswhichcannotbeformeduntiltheStatehasexaminedtheirby—laws，andauthorizedtheirexistence。Inseveralothers，attemptsaremadetoextendthisruletoallassociations;theconsequencesofsuchapolicy，ifitweresuccessful，mayeasilybeforeseen。Ifoncethesovereignhadageneralrightofauthorizingassociationsofallkindsuponcertainconditions，hewouldnotbelongwithoutclaimingtherightofsuperintendingandmanagingthem，inordertopreventthemfromdepartingfromtheruleslaiddownbyhimself。Inthismanner，theState，afterhavingreducedallwhoaredesirousofformingassociationsintodependence，wouldproceedtoreduceintothesameconditionallwhobelongtoassociationsalreadyformed—thatistosay，almostallthemenwhoarenowinexistence。Governmentsthusappropriatetothemselves，andconverttotheirownpurposes，thegreaterpartofthisnewpowerwhichmanufacturinginterestshaveinourtimebroughtintotheworld。Manufacturersgovernus—theygovernmanufactures。
IattachsomuchimportancetoallthatIhavejustbeensaying，thatIamtormentedbythefearofhavingimpairedmymeaninginseekingtorenderitmoreclear。IfthereaderthinksthattheexamplesIhaveadducedtosupportmyobservationsareinsufficientorill—chosen—ifheimaginesthatIhaveanywhereexaggeratedtheencroachmentsofthesupremepower，and，ontheotherhand，thatIhaveunderratedtheextentofthespherewhichstillremainsopentotheexertionsofindividualindependence，I
entreathimtolaydownthebookforamoment，andtoturnhismindtoreflectforhimselfuponthesubjectsIhaveattemptedtoexplain。LethimattentivelyexaminewhatistakingplaceinFranceandinothercountries—lethiminquireofthoseabouthim—lethimsearchhimself，andIammuchmistakenifhedoesnotarrive，withoutmyguidance，andbyotherpaths，atthepointtowhichIhavesoughttoleadhim。Hewillperceivethatforthelasthalf—century，centralizationhaseverywherebeengrowingupinathousanddifferentways。Wars，revolutions，conquests，haveservedtopromoteit:allmenhavelaboredtoincreaseit。
Inthecourseofthesameperiod，duringwhichmenhavesucceededeachotherwithsingularrapidityattheheadofaffairs，theirnotions，interests，andpassionshavebeeninfinitelydiversified;butallhavebysomemeansorothersoughttocentralize。Thisinstinctivecentralizationhasbeentheonlysettledpointamidsttheextrememutabilityoftheirlivesandoftheirthoughts。
Ifthereader，afterhavinginvestigatedthesedetailsofhumanaffairs，willseektosurveythewideprospectasawhole，hewillbestruckbytheresult。Ontheonehandthemostsettleddynastiesshakenoroverthrown—thepeopleeverywhereescapingbyviolencefromtheswayoftheirlaws—abolishingorlimitingtheauthorityoftheirrulersortheirprinces—thenations，whicharenotinopenrevolution，restlessatleast，andexcited—allofthemanimatedbythesamespiritofrevolt:andontheotherhand，atthisveryperiodofanarchy，andamongsttheseuntractablenations，theincessantincreaseoftheprerogativeofthesupremegovernment，becomingmorecentralized，moreadventurous，moreabsolute，moreextensive—thepeopleperpetuallyfallingunderthecontrolofthepublicadministration—ledinsensiblytosurrendertoitsomefurtherportionoftheirindividualindependence，tilltheverymen，whofromtimetotimeupsetathroneandtrampleonaraceofkings，bendmoreandmoreobsequiouslytotheslightestdictateofaclerk。Thustwocontraryrevolutionsappearinourdaystobegoingon;theonecontinuallyweakeningthesupremepower，theotherascontinuallystrengtheningit:atnootherperiodinourhistoryhasitappearedsoweakorsostrong。Butuponamoreattentiveexaminationofthestateoftheworld，itappearsthatthesetworevolutionsareintimatelyconnectedtogether，thattheyoriginateinthesamesource，andthatafterhavingfollowedaseparatecourse，theyleadmenatlasttothesameresult。I
mayventureoncemoretorepeatwhatIhavealreadysaidorimpliedinseveralpartsofthisbook:greatcaremustbetakennottoconfoundtheprincipleofequalityitselfwiththerevolutionwhichfinallyestablishesthatprincipleinthesocialconditionandthelawsofanation:hereliesthereasonofalmostallthephenomenawhichoccasionourastonishment。AlltheoldpoliticalpowersofEurope，thegreatestaswellastheleast，werefoundedinagesofaristocracy，andtheymoreorlessrepresentedordefendedtheprinciplesofinequalityandofprivilege。Tomakethenovelwantsandinterests，whichthegrowingprincipleofequalityintroduced，preponderateingovernment，ourcontemporarieshadtooverturnortocoercetheestablishedpowers。Thisledthemtomakerevolutions，andbreathedintomanyofthem，thatfierceloveofdisturbanceandindependence，whichallrevolutions，whateverbetheirobject，alwaysengender。IdonotbelievethatthereisasinglecountryinEuropeinwhichtheprogressofequalityhasnotbeenprecededorfollowedbysomeviolentchangesinthestateofpropertyandpersons;andalmostallthesechangeshavebeenattendedwithmuchanarchyandlicense，becausetheyhavebeenmadebytheleastcivilizedportionofthenationagainstthatwhichismostcivilized。Henceproceededthetwo—foldcontrarytendencieswhichIhavejustpointedout。Aslongasthedemocraticrevolutionwasglowingwithheat，themenwhowerebentuponthedestructionofoldaristocraticpowershostiletothatrevolution，displayedastrongspiritofindependence;butasthevictoryortheprincipleofequalitybecamemorecomplete，theygraduallysurrenderedthemselvestothepropensitiesnaturaltothatconditionofequality，andtheystrengthenedandcentralizedtheirgovernments。Theyhadsoughttobefreeinordertomakethemselvesequal;butinproportionasequalitywasmoreestablishedbytheaidoffreedom，freedomitselfwastherebyrenderedofmoredifficultattainment。
Thesetwostatesofanationhavesometimesbeencontemporaneous:thelastgenerationinFranceshowedhowapeoplemightorganizeastupendoustyrannyinthecommunity，attheverytimewhentheywerebafflingtheauthorityofthenobilityandbravingthepowerofallkings—atonceteachingtheworldthewaytowinfreedom，andthewaytoloseit。Inourdaysmenseethatconstitutedpowersaredilapidatedoneveryside—theyseeallancientauthoritygaspingaway，allancientbarrierstotteringtotheirfall，andthejudgmentofthewisestistroubledatthesight:theyattendonlytotheamazingrevolutionwhichistakingplacebeforetheireyes，andtheyimaginethatmankindisabouttofallintoperpetualanarchy:iftheylookedtothefinalconsequencesofthisrevolution，theirfearswouldperhapsassumeadifferentshape。Formyself，I
confessthatIputnotrustinthespiritoffreedomwhichappearstoanimatemycontemporaries。Iseewellenoughthatthenationsofthisageareturbulent，butIdonotclearlyperceivethattheyareliberal;andIfearlest，atthecloseofthoseperturbationswhichrockthebaseofthrones，thedominationofsovereignsmayprovemorepowerfulthaniteverwasbefore。
BookFour—ChaptersVI，VII
ChapterVI:WhatSortOfDespotismDemocraticNationsHaveToFearIhadremarkedduringmystayintheUnitedStates，thatademocraticstateofsociety，similartothatoftheAmericans，mightoffersingularfacilitiesfortheestablishmentofdespotism;andIperceived，uponmyreturntoEurope，howmuchusehadalreadybeenmadebymostofourrulers，ofthenotions，thesentiments，andthewantsengenderedbythissamesocialcondition，forthepurposeofextendingthecircleoftheirpower。ThisledmetothinkthatthenationsofChristendomwouldperhapseventuallyundergosomesortofoppressionlikethatwhichhungoverseveralofthenationsoftheancientworld。
Amoreaccurateexaminationofthesubject，andfiveyearsoffurthermeditations，havenotdiminishedmyapprehensions，buttheyhavechangedtheobjectofthem。Nosovereigneverlivedinformeragessoabsoluteorsopowerfulastoundertaketoadministerbyhisownagency，andwithouttheassistanceofintermediatepowers，allthepartsofagreatempire:noneeverattemptedtosubjectallhissubjectsindiscriminatelytostrictuniformityofregulation，andpersonallytotutoranddirecteverymemberofthecommunity。Thenotionofsuchanundertakingneveroccurredtothehumanmind;andifanymanhadconceivedit，thewantofinformation，theimperfectionoftheadministrativesystem，andaboveall，thenaturalobstaclescausedbytheinequalityofconditions，wouldspeedilyhavecheckedtheexecutionofsovastadesign。WhentheRomanemperorswereattheheightoftheirpower，thedifferentnationsoftheempirestillpreservedmannersandcustomsofgreatdiversity;althoughtheyweresubjecttothesamemonarch，mostoftheprovinceswereseparatelyadministered;theyaboundedinpowerfulandactivemunicipalities;andalthoughthewholegovernmentoftheempirewascentredinthehandsoftheemperoralone，andhealwaysremained，uponoccasions，thesupremearbiterinallmatters，yetthedetailsofsociallifeandprivateoccupationslayforthemostpartbeyondhiscontrol。
Theemperorspossessed，itistrue，animmenseanduncheckedpower，whichallowedthemtogratifyalltheirwhimsicaltastes，andtoemployforthatpurposethewholestrengthoftheState。
Theyfrequentlyabusedthatpowerarbitrarilytodeprivetheirsubjectsofpropertyoroflife:theirtyrannywasextremelyoneroustothefew，butitdidnotreachthegreaternumber;itwasfixedtosomefewmainobjects，andneglectedtherest;itwasviolent，butitsrangewaslimited。
Butitwouldseemthatifdespotismweretobeestablishedamongstthedemocraticnationsofourdays，itmightassumeadifferentcharacter;itwouldbemoreextensiveandmoremild;itwoulddegrademenwithouttormentingthem。Idonotquestion，thatinanageofinstructionandequalitylikeourown，sovereignsmightmoreeasilysucceedincollectingallpoliticalpowerintotheirownhands，andmightinterferemorehabituallyanddecidedlywithinthecircleofprivateinterests，thananysovereignofantiquitycouldeverdo。Butthissameprincipleofequalitywhichfacilitatesdespotism，tempersitsrigor。Wehaveseenhowthemannersofsocietybecomemorehumaneandgentleinproportionasmenbecomemoreequalandalike。Whennomemberofthecommunityhasmuchpowerormuchwealth，tyrannyis，asitwere，withoutopportunitiesandafieldofaction。Asallfortunesarescanty，thepassionsofmenarenaturallycircumscribed—theirimaginationlimited，theirpleasuressimple。Thisuniversalmoderationmoderatesthesovereignhimself，andcheckswithincertainlimitstheinordinateextentofhisdesires。
Independentlyofthesereasonsdrawnfromthenatureofthestateofsocietyitself，Imightaddmanyothersarisingfromcausesbeyondmysubject;butIshallkeepwithinthelimitsI
havelaiddowntomyself。Democraticgovernmentsmaybecomeviolentandevencruelatcertainperiodsofextremeeffervescenceorofgreatdanger:butthesecriseswillberareandbrief。WhenIconsiderthepettypassionsofourcontemporaries，themildnessoftheirmanners，theextentoftheireducation，thepurityoftheirreligion，thegentlenessoftheirmorality，theirregularandindustrioushabits，andtherestraintwhichtheyalmostallobserveintheirvicesnolessthanintheirvirtues，Ihavenofearthattheywillmeetwithtyrantsintheirrulers，butratherguardians。*aIthinkthenthatthespeciesofoppressionbywhichdemocraticnationsaremenacedisunlikeanythingwhicheverbeforeexistedintheworld:ourcontemporarieswillfindnoprototypeofitintheirmemories。IamtryingmyselftochooseanexpressionwhichwillaccuratelyconveythewholeoftheideaIhaveformedofit，butinvain;theoldwords\"despotism\"and\"tyranny\"areinappropriate:thethingitselfisnew;andsinceIcannotnameit，Imustattempttodefineit。
[Footnotea:SeeAppendixY。]
Iseektotracethenovelfeaturesunderwhichdespotismmayappearintheworld。Thefirstthingthatstrikestheobservationisaninnumerablemultitudeofmenallequalandalike，incessantlyendeavoringtoprocurethepettyandpaltrypleasureswithwhichtheygluttheirlives。Eachofthem，livingapart，isasastrangertothefateofalltherest—hischildrenandhisprivatefriendsconstitutetohimthewholeofmankind;asfortherestofhisfellow—citizens，heisclosetothem，butheseesthemnot—hetouchesthem，buthefeelsthemnot;heexistsbutinhimselfandforhimselfalone;andifhiskindredstillremaintohim，hemaybesaidatanyratetohavelosthiscountry。Abovethisraceofmenstandsanimmenseandtutelarypower，whichtakesuponitselfalonetosecuretheirgratifications，andtowatchovertheirfate。Thatpowerisabsolute，minute，regular，provident，andmild。Itwouldbeliketheauthorityofaparent，if，likethatauthority，itsobjectwastopreparemenformanhood;butitseeksonthecontrarytokeeptheminperpetualchildhood:itiswellcontentthatthepeopleshouldrejoice，providedtheythinkofnothingbutrejoicing。Fortheirhappinesssuchagovernmentwillinglylabors，butitchoosestobethesoleagentandtheonlyarbiterofthathappiness:itprovidesfortheirsecurity，foreseesandsuppliestheirnecessities，facilitatestheirpleasures，managestheirprincipalconcerns，directstheirindustry，regulatesthedescentofproperty，andsubdividestheirinheritances—whatremains，buttosparethemallthecareofthinkingandallthetroubleofliving？Thusiteverydayrenderstheexerciseofthefreeagencyofmanlessusefulandlessfrequent;itcircumscribesthewillwithinanarrowerrange，andgraduallyrobsamanofalltheusesofhimself。Theprincipleofequalityhaspreparedmenforthesethings:ithaspredisposedmentoendurethem，andoftentimestolookonthemasbenefits。
Afterhavingthussuccessivelytakeneachmemberofthecommunityinitspowerfulgrasp，andfashionedthematwill，thesupremepowerthenextendsitsarmoverthewholecommunity。Itcoversthesurfaceofsocietywithanet—workofsmallcomplicatedrules，minuteanduniform，throughwhichthemostoriginalmindsandthemostenergeticcharacterscannotpenetrate，toriseabovethecrowd。Thewillofmanisnotshattered，butsoftened，bent，andguided:menareseldomforcedbyittoact，buttheyareconstantlyrestrainedfromacting:
suchapowerdoesnotdestroy，butitpreventsexistence;itdoesnottyrannize，butitcompresses，enervates，extinguishes，andstupefiesapeople，tilleachnationisreducedtobenothingbetterthanaflockoftimidandindustriousanimals，ofwhichthegovernmentistheshepherd。Ihavealwaysthoughtthatservitudeoftheregular，quiet，andgentlekindwhichIhavejustdescribed，mightbecombinedmoreeasilythaniscommonlybelievedwithsomeoftheoutwardformsoffreedom;andthatitmightevenestablishitselfunderthewingofthesovereigntyofthepeople。Ourcontemporariesareconstantlyexcitedbytwoconflictingpassions;theywanttobeled，andtheywishtoremainfree:astheycannotdestroyeitheroneortheotherofthesecontrarypropensities，theystrivetosatisfythembothatonce。Theydeviseasole，tutelary，andall—powerfulformofgovernment，butelectedbythepeople。Theycombinetheprincipleofcentralizationandthatofpopularsovereignty;thisgivesthemarespite;theyconsolethemselvesforbeingintutelagebythereflectionthattheyhavechosentheirownguardians。Everymanallowshimselftobeputinleading—strings，becauseheseesthatitisnotapersonoraclassofpersons，butthepeopleatlargethatholdstheendofhischain。Bythissystemthepeopleshakeofftheirstateofdependencejustlongenoughtoselecttheirmaster，andthenrelapseintoitagain。A
greatmanypersonsatthepresentdayarequitecontentedwiththissortofcompromisebetweenadministrativedespotismandthesovereigntyofthepeople;andtheythinktheyhavedoneenoughfortheprotectionofindividualfreedomwhentheyhavesurrenderedittothepowerofthenationatlarge。Thisdoesnotsatisfyme:thenatureofhimIamtoobeysignifieslesstomethanthefactofextortedobedience。
Idonothoweverdenythataconstitutionofthiskindappearstometobeinfinitelypreferabletoone，which，afterhavingconcentratedallthepowersofgovernment，shouldvesttheminthehandsofanirresponsiblepersonorbodyofpersons。
Ofalltheformswhichdemocraticdespotismcouldassume，thelatterwouldassuredlybetheworst。Whenthesovereigniselective，ornarrowlywatchedbyalegislaturewhichisreallyelectiveandindependent，theoppressionwhichheexercisesoverindividualsissometimesgreater，butitisalwayslessdegrading;becauseeveryman，whenheisoppressedanddisarmed，maystillimagine，thatwhilstheyieldsobedienceitistohimselfheyieldsit，andthatitistooneofhisowninclinationsthatalltherestgiveway。InlikemannerIcanunderstandthatwhenthesovereignrepresentsthenation，andisdependentuponthepeople，therightsandthepowerofwhicheverycitizenisdeprived，notonlyservetheheadoftheState，buttheStateitself;andthatprivatepersonsderivesomereturnfromthesacrificeoftheirindependencewhichtheyhavemadetothepublic。Tocreatearepresentationofthepeopleineverycentralizedcountry，istherefore，todiminishtheevilwhichextremecentralizationmayproduce，butnottogetridofit。I
admitthatbythismeansroomisleftfortheinterventionofindividualsinthemoreimportantaffairs;butitisnotthelesssuppressedinthesmallerandmoreprivateones。Itmustnotbeforgottenthatitisespeciallydangeroustoenslavemenintheminordetailsoflife。Formyownpart，Ishouldbeinclinedtothinkfreedomlessnecessaryingreatthingsthaninlittleones，ifitwerepossibletobesecureoftheonewithoutpossessingtheother。Subjectioninminoraffairsbreaksouteveryday，andisfeltbythewholecommunityindiscriminately。Itdoesnotdrivementoresistance，butitcrossesthemateveryturn，tilltheyareledtosurrendertheexerciseoftheirwill。Thustheirspiritisgraduallybrokenandtheircharacterenervated;whereasthatobedience，whichisexactedonafewimportantbutrareoccasions，onlyexhibitsservitudeatcertainintervals，andthrowstheburdenofituponasmallnumberofmen。Itisinvaintosummonapeople，whichhasbeenrenderedsodependentonthecentralpower，tochoosefromtimetotimetherepresentativesofthatpower;thisrareandbriefexerciseoftheirfreechoice，howeverimportantitmaybe，willnotpreventthemfromgraduallylosingthefacultiesofthinking，feeling，andactingforthemselves，andthusgraduallyfallingbelowthelevelofhumanity。*bIaddthattheywillsoonbecomeincapableofexercisingthegreatandonlyprivilegewhichremainstothem。
Thedemocraticnationswhichhaveintroducedfreedomintotheirpoliticalconstitution，attheverytimewhentheywereaugmentingthedespotismoftheiradministrativeconstitution，havebeenledintostrangeparadoxes。Tomanagethoseminoraffairsinwhichgoodsenseisallthatiswanted—thepeopleareheldtobeunequaltothetask，butwhenthegovernmentofthecountryisatstake，thepeopleareinvestedwithimmensepowers;theyarealternatelymadetheplaythingsoftheirruler，andhismasters—morethankings，andlessthanmen。Afterhavingexhaustedallthedifferentmodesofelection，withoutfindingonetosuittheirpurpose，theyarestillamazed，andstillbentonseekingfurther;asiftheeviltheyremarkdidnotoriginateintheconstitutionofthecountryfarmorethaninthatoftheelectoralbody。Itis，indeed，difficulttoconceivehowmenwhohaveentirelygivenupthehabitofself—governmentshouldsucceedinmakingaproperchoiceofthosebywhomtheyaretobegoverned;andnoonewilleverbelievethataliberal，wise，andenergeticgovernmentcanspringfromthesuffragesofasubservientpeople。Aconstitution，whichshouldberepublicaninitsheadandultra—monarchicalinallitsotherparts，haseverappearedtometobeashort—livedmonster。Thevicesofrulersandtheineptitudeofthepeoplewouldspeedilybringaboutitsruin;andthenation，wearyofitsrepresentativesandofitself，wouldcreatefreerinstitutions，orsoonreturntostretchitselfatthefeetofasinglemaster。
[Footnoteb:SeeAppendixZ。]
ChapterVII:ContinuationOfThePrecedingChaptersIbelievethatitiseasiertoestablishanabsoluteanddespoticgovernmentamongstapeopleinwhichtheconditionsofsocietyareequal，thanamongstanyother;andIthinkthatifsuchagovernmentwereonceestablishedamongstsuchapeople，itwouldnotonlyoppressmen，butwouldeventuallystripeachofthemofseveralofthehighestqualitiesofhumanity。Despotismthereforeappearstomepeculiarlytobedreadedindemocraticages。Ishouldhavelovedfreedom，Ibelieve，atalltimes，butinthetimeinwhichweliveIamreadytoworshipit。Ontheotherhand，Iampersuadedthatallwhoshallattempt，intheagesuponwhichweareentering，tobasefreedomuponaristocraticprivilege，willfail—thatallwhoshallattempttodrawandtoretainauthoritywithinasingleclass，willfail。
Atthepresentdaynorulerisskilfulorstrongenoughtofoundadespotism，byre—establishingpermanentdistinctionsofrankamongsthissubjects:nolegislatoriswiseorpowerfulenoughtopreservefreeinstitutions，ifhedoesnottakeequalityforhisfirstprincipleandhiswatchword。Allthoseofourcontemporarieswhowouldestablishorsecuretheindependenceandthedignityoftheirfellow—men，mustshowthemselvesthefriendsofequality;andtheonlyworthymeansofshowingthemselvesassuch，istobeso:uponthisdependsthesuccessoftheirholyenterprise。Thusthequestionisnothowtoreconstructaristocraticsociety，buthowtomakelibertyproceedoutofthatdemocraticstateofsocietyinwhichGodhasplacedus。
Thesetwotruthsappeartomesimple，clear，andfertileinconsequences;andtheynaturallyleadmetoconsiderwhatkindoffreegovernmentcanbeestablishedamongstapeopleinwhichsocialconditionsareequal。Itresultsfromtheveryconstitutionofdemocraticnationsandfromtheirnecessities，thatthepowerofgovernmentamongstthemmustbemoreuniform，morecentralized，moreextensive，moresearching，andmoreefficientthaninothercountries。Societyatlargeisnaturallystrongerandmoreactive，individualsmoresubordinateandweak;
theformerdoesmore，thelatterless;andthisisinevitablythecase。Itisnotthereforetobeexpectedthattherangeofprivateindependencewilleverbeasextensiveindemocraticasinaristocraticcountries—noristhistobedesired;for，amongstaristocraticnations，themassisoftensacrificedtotheindividual，andtheprosperityofthegreaternumbertothegreatnessofthefew。Itisbothnecessaryanddesirablethatthegovernmentofademocraticpeopleshouldbeactiveandpowerful:andourobjectshouldnotbetorenderitweakorindolent，butsolelytopreventitfromabusingitsaptitudeanditsstrength。