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　　’Severalinstanceshavebeenmentionedtous，ofparishesnearlydepopulated，

　　inwhichalmostallthelabourisperformedbypersonssettledintheneighboring

　　villagesortowns；drawingfromthem，asallowance，thegreaterpartoftheir

　　subsistence。’15*Thismethodisdescribedmoreatlengthinthefollowing

　　passage：——

　　’Whenaparishisinthehandsofonlyoneproprietor，orofproprietors

　　sofewinnumberastobeabletoact，andtocompeltheirtenantstoact，

　　inunison，andadjoinstoparishesinwhichpropertyismuchdivided，they

　　maypulldowneverycottageasitbecomesvacant，andpreventthebuilding

　　ofnewones。Byasmallimmediateoutlaytheymayenableandinduceaconsiderable

　　portionofthosewhohavesettlementsintheirparishtoobtainsettlements

　　intheadjoiningparishes：byhiringtheirlaborersforperiodslessthan

　　ayear，theymaypreventtheacquisitionofnewsettlementsintheirown。

　　Theymaythusdepopulatetheirownestates，andcultivatethembymeansof

　　thesurpluspopulationofthesurroundingdistrict。’16*Aclergymanin

　　Reading17*saidthathehadbetweentenandtwentyfamilieslivinginhis

　　parishandworkingforthefarmersintheiroriginalparish，whosecottages

　　hadbeenpulleddownovertheirheads。Occasionallyabigproprietorofparish

　　A，inordertolessenthepoorrates，would，withunscrupulousingenuity，

　　takeafarminparishB，andtherehirefortheyearabatchoflabourers

　　fromA：theseattheendoftheirtermhewouldturnoffontothemercies

　　ofparishBwhichwasnowresponsibleforthem，whilsthesentforafresh

　　consignmentfromparishA。18*

　　TheReportoftheCommissionisaremarkableandsearchingpictureof

　　thegeneraldemoralisationproducedbytheSpeenhamlandsystem，andfrom

　　thatpointofviewitismostgraphicandinstructive。Butnobodywhohas

　　followedthehistoryoftheagriculturallabourercanfailtobestruckby

　　itscapitalomission。TheCommissioners，intheirsimpleanalysisofthat

　　system，couldnottaketheireyesofftheSpeenhamlandgoblin，andinstead

　　ofdealingwiththatsystemasawronganddisastrousanswertocertaindifficult

　　questions，theytreatedthesystemitselfastheoneandoriginalsource

　　ofallevils。Theysighedforthedayswhen’thepauperswereasmalldisreputable

　　minority，whoseresentmentwasnottobefeared，andwhosefavourwasof

　　novalue，’and’allotherclasseswereanxioustodiminishthenumberof

　　applicants，andtoreducetheexpensesoftheirmaintenance。’19*Theydid

　　notrealisethatthegoverningclasshadnotcreatedaFrankensteinmonster

　　forthemerepleasureofitscreation；thattheyhadnotsetouttodraw

　　upanidealconstitution，asRousseauhaddoneforthePoles。In1795there

　　wasafearofrevolution，andtheupperclassesthrewtheSpeenhamlandsystem

　　overthevillagesasawetblanketoversparks。TheCommissionersmerely

　　isolatedtheconsequencesofSpeenhamlandandtreatedthemasiftheywere

　　theentireproblem，andconsequently，thoughtheirreportservedtoextinguish

　　thatsystem，itdidnothingtorehabilitatethepositionofthelabourer，

　　ortorestoretherightsandstatushehadlost。ThenewPoorLawwasthe

　　onlygiftoftheReformedParliamenttotheagriculturallabourer；itwas

　　animprovementontheold，butonlyinthesensethattheeastwindisbetter

　　thanthesirocco。

　　Whatwouldhavehappenedifeitheroftheothertworemedieshadbeen

　　adoptedfortheproblemtowhichtheSpeenhamlandsystemwasapplied，it

　　isimpossibletosay。Butitiseasytoseethatthepositionoftheagricultural

　　labourer，whichcouldnothavebeenworse，mighthavebeenverymuchbetter，

　　andthatthenation，asapartfromthelandlordsandmoney-lords，wouldhave

　　comeoutofthiswhirlpoolmuchstrongerandmuchricher。Thiswasclear

　　toonecorrespondentofthePoorLawCommission，whosememorandum，printed

　　inanAppendix，20*ismoreinterestingandprofoundthananycontribution

　　tothesubjectmadebytheCommissionersthemselves。M。Chateauvieuxset

　　outanalternativepolicytoSpeenhamland，which，ifthegoverningclass

　　of1795orthegoverningclassof1834hadbeenenlightenedenoughtofollow

　　it，wouldhavesetupaverydifferentlabouringclassinthevillagesfrom

　　thehelplessproletariatthatwascreatedbytheenclosures。

　　’Maissiaulieud’op&eacute；rerlepartagedesbienscommunaux，l’administration

　　delacommunes’&eacute；taitborn&eacute；e&agrave；louerpourquelquesann&eacute；es

　　desparcellesdesterresqu’elleposs&egrave；deenvainep&acirc；ture，et

　　cela&agrave；tr&egrave；sbasprix，auxjournaliersdomicili&eacute；ssur

　　sonterritoire，ilenseraitresult&eacute；：

　　Quelecapitaldecesterresn’auraitpoint&eacute；t&eacute；ali&eacute；n&eacute；

　　etabsorb&eacute；danslapropri&eacute；t&eacute；particuli&egrave；re。

　　Quececapitalaurait&eacute；t&eacute；n&eacute；anmoinsutilis&eacute；

　　pourlareproduction。

　　Qu’ilauraitservi&agrave；l’am&eacute；liorationdusortdespauvres

　　quil’auraientd&eacute；frich&eacute；，detouteladiff&eacute；renceentre

　　leprixduloyerqu’ilsenauraientpay&eacute；，etlemontantdurevenu

　　qu’ilsauraientobtenudesarecolte。

　　Quelacommuneauraitencaiss&eacute；lemontantdesesloyers，et

　　auraitaugment&eacute；d’autantlesmoyensdontelledisposepourlesoulagement

　　decespauvres。’

　　M。ChateauvieuxunderstoodbetterthananyoftheCommissioners，dominated

　　astheywerebytheextremeindividualisteconomyofthetime，themeaning

　　ofBolingbroke’smaximthatawiseministerconsidershisadministration

　　asasingledayinthegreatyearofGovernment；butasadaythatisaffected

　　bythosewhichwentbeforeandmustaffectthosewhicharetocomeafter。

　　AGovernmentofenclosinglandownerswasperhapsnottobeexpectedtounderstand

　　allthattheStatewasindangeroflosingintherecklessalienationof

　　commonproperty。

　　Whatoftheprospectsoftheotherremedythatwasproposed？Atfirst

　　sightitseemsnaturaltoarguethathadWhitbread’sMinimumWageBillbecome

　　anActofParliamentitwouldhaveremainedadeadletter。Theadministration

　　dependedonthemagistratesandthemagistratesrepresentedtherent-receiving

　　andemployingclasses。Acloserscrutinywarrantsadifferentconclusion。

　　AtthetimethattheSpeenhamlandplanwasadoptedthereweremanymagistrates

　　infavourofsettingaminimumscale。TheSuffolkmagistrates，forexample，

　　putpressureonthecountymemberstovoteforWhitbread’sBill，andthose

　　members，togetherwithGreyandSheridan，wereitsbackers。TheParliamentary

　　supportfortheBillwasenoughtoshowthatitwasnotonlyinSuffolkthat

　　itwouldhavebeenadopted；thereweremenlikeLechmereandWhitbreadscattered

　　aboutthecountry，andthoughtheyweremenoffarmoreenlightenedviews

　　thantheaverageJ。P。，theywerenotwithoutinfluenceintheirownneighbourhoods。

　　Itisprettycertain，therefore，thatiftheBillhadbeencarried，itwould

　　havebeenadministeredinsomepartsofthecountry。Thepublicopinionin

　　supportoftheActwouldhavebeenpowerfullyreinforcedbythepressure

　　ofthelabourers，andthiswouldhavemeantamoreconsiderablestimulus

　　thanmightatfirstbesupposed，fortheReportofthePoorLawCommissioners

　　showsthatthepressureofthelabourerswasaveryimportantfactorinthe

　　retentionoftheallowancesysteminparisheswheretheoverseerswished

　　toabandonit，andifthelabourerscouldcoercethelocalauthoritiesinto

　　continuingtheSpeenhamlandsystem，theycouldhavecoercedthemagistrates

　　intomakinganassessmentofwages。Thelabourerswereablebyashowof

　　violencetoraisewagesandtoreducepricestemporarily，asisclearfrom

　　thehistoryof1816and1830。Itisnottoomuchtosupposethattheycould

　　haveexercisedenoughinfluencein1795toinducemagistratesinmanyplaces

　　tocarryoutalawthatwasontheStatuteBook。Further，itisnotunreasonable

　　tosupposethatagriculturallabourers’unionstoenforcetheexecutionof

　　thelawwouldhaveescapedthemonstrousCombinationLawof1799and1800，

　　forevenin1808theGlasgowandLancashirecotton-weaverswerepermitted

　　openlytocombineforthepurposeofseekingalegalfixingofwages。21*

　　Ifassessmenthadoncebecomethepractice，therealstrugglewouldhave

　　arisenwhenthegreatprosperityofagriculturebegantodecline；atthe

　　time，thatis，whentheSpeenhamlandsystembegantoshowthosesymptoms

　　ofstrainthatwehavedescribed。Wouldthecustomarywage，establishedunder

　　themorefavourableconditionsof1795，havestoodagainstthatpressure？

　　Wouldthelabourershavebeenabletokeepupwages，ascriticsoftheWhitbread

　　Billhadfearedthattheywould？Inconsideringtheanswerstothatquestion，

　　wehavetoreckonwithaforcethatthedebatersof1795couldnothaveforeseen。

　　In1795CobbettwasengagedinthepoliticsandpolemicsofAmerica，and

　　ifanymemberoftheHouseofCommonsknewhisname，heknewitasthename

　　ofafiercechampionofEnglishinstitutions，andafierceenemyofrevolutionary

　　ideas；aherooftheAnti-Jacobinitself。In1810Cobbettwasrapidly

　　makinghimselfthemostpowerfultribunethattheEnglishpoorhaveever

　　known。Cobbett’sfaultsareplainenough，fortheyareallonthesurface。

　　Hisegotismsometimesseducedhisjudgment；hehadastronglyperverseelement

　　inhisnature；hisopinionofanyproposalsnothisownwasapttobepetulant

　　andpeevish，anditmightperhapsbesaidofhimthathegenerallyhada

　　waspinhisbonnet。ThesequalitiesearnedforhimhistitleoftheContentious

　　Man。TheywouldhavebeenseriouslydisablinginaCabinetMinister，but

　　theydidnotaffecthispowerofcollectingandmobilisingandleadingthe

　　spasmodicforcesofthepoor。

　　Letusrecallhiscareerinordertounderstandwhathisinfluencewould

　　havebeenifthelabourershadwontheircustomarywagein1795，andhad

　　beenfightingtomaintainitfifteenortwentyyearslater。Hisadventures

　　beganearly。Whenhewasthirteenhisimaginationwasfiredbystoriesthe

　　gardeneratFarnhamtoldhimofthegloriesofKew。Heranawayfromhome，

　　andmadesogoodanimpressionontheKewgardenerthathewasgivenwork

　　there。HislastcoppersonthatjourneywerespentinbuyingSwift’sTale

　　ofaTub。Hereturnedhome，buthisrestlessdreamsdrovehimagaininto

　　theworld。Hetriedtobecomeasailor，andultimatelybecameasoldier。

　　Heleftthearmy，wherehehadmadehismarkandreceivedrapidpromotion，

　　inordertoexposeafinancialscandalinhisregiment，butondiscovering

　　thattheinterestsinvolvedinthecountenanceofmilitaryabuseswerefar

　　morepowerfulthanhehadsupposed，heabandonedhisattemptandfledto

　　France。AfewmonthslaterhecrossedtoAmerica，andsettleddowntoearn

　　alivingbyteachingEnglishtoFrenchrefugees。Thispeacefuloccupation

　　herelinquishedforthecongenialexcitementsofpolemicaljournalism，and

　　hewassoonthefiercestpamphleteeronthesideoftheFederals，whotook

　　thepartofEngland，intheircontroversieswiththedemocrats，whotook

　　thepartoftheRevolution。Sofarasthewarfareofpamphletswent，Cobbett

　　turnedthescale。Thedemocratscouldnotmatchhiswit，hissarcasm，his

　　graphicandpointedinvectives，hispowerofcleverandsparklinganalysis

　　andridicule。Thiswarfareoccupiedhimfornearlytenyears，andhereturned

　　toEnglandintimetohavehiswindowsbrokenforrefusingtoilluminate

　　hishouseincelebrationofthePeaceofAmiens。In1802hestartedthePolitical

　　Register。AtthattimehewasstillaTory，butacloserstudyofEnglish

　　lifechangedhisopinions，andfouryearslaterhethrewhimselfintothe

　　Radicalmovement。TheeffectofhisdescentonEnglishpoliticscanonly

　　becomparedtotheshockthatwasgiventothemindofItalybytheFrench

　　methodsofwarfare，whenCharlesVIIIledhisarmiesintoherplainstofight

　　pitchedbattleswithoutanyoftheetiquetteorpoliteconventionsthathad

　　gracedthecombatsofthecondottieri。HegavetotheReformagitationan

　　uncompromisingrealityanddaring，andamovementwhichhadbecomethedying

　　echoofasmotheredstrugglebrokeintostormandthunder。Hazlittscarcely

　　exaggeratedhisdaemonicpowerswhenhesaidofhimthatheformedafourth

　　estateofhimself。

　　NowCobbettmaybesaidtohavespenttwentyyearsofhislifeinthe

　　efforttosavethelabourersfromdegradationandruin。Hewastheonlyman

　　ofhisgenerationwhoregardedpoliticsfromthisstandpoint。Thismotive

　　isthekeytohiscareer。Hesawin1816thatthenationhadtochoosebetween

　　itssinecures，itsextravagantarmy，itsrulers’madschemeofborrowing

　　atahigherratetoextinguishdebt，forwhichitwaspayinginterestat

　　alowrate，itshugeCivilListandprivilegedestablishments，theinterests

　　ofthefundholdersandcontractorsontheonehand，anditslabourerson

　　theother。Inthatconflictofforcesthelabourercouldnotholdhisown。