第2章
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  Wehavealreadyseenthattheprofitoncapitalisinproportiontoitssize.Ifweignoredeliberatecompetitionforthemoment,alargecapitalaccumulatesmorerapidly,inproportiontoitssize,thandoesasmallcapital.

  Thismeansthat,quiteapartfromcompetition,theaccumulationoflargecapitaltakesplaceatamuchfasterratethanthatofsmallcapital.

  But,letusfollowthisprocessfurther.

  Ascapitalsmultiply,theprofitsoncapitaldiminish,asaresultofcompetition.So,thefirsttosufferisthesmallcapitalist.

  \"Inacountrywhichhadacquireditsfullcomplementofriches,astheordinaryrateofclearprofitwouldbeverysmall,sotheusualmarketrateofinterestwhichcouldbeaffordedoutofitwouldbesolowastorenderitimpossibleforanybuttheverywealthiestofpeopletoliveupontheinterestoftheirmoney.Allpeopleofsmallormiddlingfortuneswouldbeobligedtosuper—intendthemselvestheemploymentoftheirownstocks.Itwouldbenecessarythatalmosteverymanshouldbeamanofbusiness,orengageinsomesortoftrade.\"

  [SmithI,p.86]Thisisthesituationmostdeartotheheartofpoliticaleconomy.

  \"Theproportionbetweencapitalandrevenue,therefore,seemseverywheretoregulatetheproportionbetweenindustryandidleness.Wherevercapitalpredominates,industryprevails:

  whereverrevenue,idleness.\"

  [Smith,p.301]But,whatabouttheemploymentofcapitalinthisincreasedcompetition?

  \"Asthequantityofstocktobelentatinterestincreases,theinterest,orthepricewhichmustbepaidfortheuseofthatstock,necessarilydiminishes,notonlyfromthosegeneralcauses,whichmakethemarketpriceofthingscommonlydiminishastheirquantityincreases,butfromothercauseswhicharepeculiartothisparticularcase.

  \"Ascapitalsincreaseinanycountry,theprofitswhichcanbemadebyemployingthemnecessarilydiminish.Itbecomesgraduallymoreandmoredifficulttofindwithinthecountryaprofitablemethodofemployinganynewcapital.Therearises,inconsequence,acompetitionbetweendifferentcapitals,theownerofoneendeavoringtogetpossessionofthatemploymentwhichisoccupiedbyanother.

  \"But,onmostoccassionshecanhopetojostlethatotheroutofthisemploymentbynoothermeansbutbydealinguponmorereasonableterms.Hemustnotonlysellwhathedealsinsomewhatcheaper,but,inordertogetittosell,hemustsometimes,too,buyitdearer.

  \"Thedemandforproductivelabor,bytheincreaseofthefundswhicharedestinedformaintainingit,growseverydaygreaterandgreater.Laborerseasilyfindemployment,buttheownersofcapitalsfinditdifficulttogetlaborerstoemploy.Theircompetitionraisesthewagesoflaborandsinkstheprofitsofstock.\"

  [Smithp.316]Thesmallcapitalist,therefore,hastwochoices:hecaneitherconsumehiscapital,sincehecannolongerliveontheinterest——i.e.,ceasetobeacapitalist;or,hecanhimselfsetupabusiness,sellhisgoodsatalowerprice,andbuythematadearerpricethantherichercapitalist,andpayhigherwages,whichmeansthathewouldgobankrupt——sincethemarketpriceisalreadyverylowasaresultoftheintensecompetitionwepresupposed.If,ontheotherhand,thebigcapitalistwantstosqueezeoutthesmallerone,hehasallthesameadvantagesoverhimasthecapitalisthasovertheworker.Heiscompensatedforthesmallerprofitsbythelargersizeofhiscapital,andhecanevenputupwithshort—termlossesuntilthesmallercapitalistisruinedandheisfreedofthiscompetition.Inthisway,heaccumulatestheprofitsofthesmallcapitalist.

  Furthermore:thebigcapitalistalwaysbuysmorecheaplythanthesmallcapitalist,becausehebuysinlargerquantities.Hecan,therefore,affordtosellatalowerprice.

  But,ifafallintherateofinterestturnsthemiddlecapitalistsfromrentiersintobusinessmen,converselytheincreaseinbusinesscapitalsandtheresultinglowerrateofprofitproduceafallintherateofinterest.

  \"But,whentheprofitswhichcanbemadebyuseofacapitalarediminishedthepricewhichcanbepaidfortheuseofit

  mustnecessarilybediminishedwiththem.\"

  [Smithp.316]

  \"Asriches,improvement,andpopulation,haveincreased,interesthasdeclined\",andconsequentlytheprofitsofstock;\"afterthesearediminished,stockmaynotonlycontinuetoincrease,buttoincreasemuchfasterthanbeforeAgreatstock,thoughwithsmallprofits,generallyincreasesfasterthanasmallstockwithgreatprofits.Money,saystheproverb,makesmoney.\"

  [Smithp.83]So,ifthislargecapitalisopposedbysmallcapitalswithsmallprofits,asinthecaseundertheconditionsofintensecompetitionwhichwehavepresupposed,itcrushesthemcompletely.

  Theinevitableconsequenceofthiscompetitionisthedeteriorationinthequalityofgoods,adulteration,spuriousproduction,anduniversalpollutiontobefoundinlargetowns.

  Anotherimportantfactorinthecompetitionbetweenbigandsmallcapitalsistherelationshipbetweenfixedcapitalandcirculatingcapital.

  Circulatingcapitaliscapital\"employedinraising,manufacturing,orpurchasinggoods,andsellingthemagainataprofit.Thecapitalemployedinthismanneryieldsnorevenueorprofittoitsemployer,whileiteitherremainsinhispossessionorcontinuesinthesameshapeHiscapitaliscontinuallygoingfromhiminoneshape,andreturningtohiminanother,anditisonlybymeansofsuchcirculation,orsuccessiveexchanges,thatiscanyieldhimanyprofit\"Fixedcapitaliscapital\"employedintheimprovementofland,inthepurchaseofusefulmachinesandinstruments,orinsuchlikethings

  \"everysavingintheexpenseofsupportingthefixedcapitaloftheundertakerofeveryworkisnecessarilydividedbetweenhisfixedandhiscirculatingcapital.Whilehiswholecapitalremainsthesame,thesmallertheonepart,thegreatermustnecessarilybetheother.Itisthecirculatingcapitalwhichfurnishesthematerialsandwagesoflabor,andputsindustryintomotion.Everysaving,therefore,intheexpenseofmaintainingthefixedcapital,whichdoesnotdiminishtheproductivepowersoflabor,mustincreasethefundwhichputsindustryintomotion\"

  [Smith,p.257]Itisimmediatelyclearthattherelationbetweenfixedcapitalandcirculatingcapitalismuchmorefavorabletothebigcapitalistthanitistothesmallercapitalist.Thedifferenceinvolumebetweentheamountoffixedcapitalneededbyaverybigbankerandtheamountneededbyaverysmalloneisinsignificant.Theonlyfixedcapitaltheyneedisanoffice.Theequipmentneededbyabiglandownerdoesnotincreaseinproportiontotheextentofhisland.Similarly,theamountofcreditavailabletoabigcapitalist,comparedwithasmallerone,representsabiggersavinginfixedcapital——namely,intheamountofmoneywhichhemusthaveavailableatalltimes.Finally,itgoeswithoutsayingthatwhereindustriallaborishighlydeveloped——i.e.,wherealmostallmanualcraftshavebecomefactorylabor——theentirecapitalofthesmallcapitalistisnotenoughtoprocureforhimeventhenecessaryfixedcapital.Itiswellknownthatlarge—scale[agricultural]cultivationgenerallyrequiresonlyasmallnumberofhands.

  Theaccumulationoflargecapitalsisgenerallyaccompaniedbyaconcentrationandsimplificationoffixedcapital,ascomparedwiththesmallercapitalists.Thebigcapitalistestablishesforhimselfsomekindoforganizationoftheinstrumentsoflabor.

  \"Similarly,inthesphereofindustryeveryfactoryandeveryworkshopisamorecomprehensivecombinationofalargermaterialpropertywithnumerousandvariedintellectualabilitiesandtechnicalskillswhichhaveastheirsharedaimthedevelopmentofproductionWherelegislationpreservestheunityoflargelandedproperties,thesurplusquantityofagrowingpopulationcrowdstogetherintoindustry,anditisthereforemainlyinindustrythattheproletariatgathersinlargenumbers,asinGreatBritain.But,wherelegislationallowsthecontinuousdivisionoftheland,asinFrance,thenumberofsmall,debt—riddenproprietorsincreasesandmanyofthemareforcedintotheclassoftheneedyandthediscontented.Shouldthisdivisionandindebtednessgofarenough,inthesamewayasbigindustrydestroyssmallindustry;andsincelargerlandholdingcomplexesoncemorecomeintobeing,manypropertylessworkersnolongerneededonthelandare,inthiscasetoo,forcedintoindustry.\"

  [Schulz,pp.58—9]

  \"Thecharacterofcommoditiesofthesamesortchangesasaresultofchangesinthenatureofproduction,andinparticularasaresultofmechanization.Onlybyeliminatinghumanlaborhasitbecomepossibletospinfromapoundofcottonworth3s.8d.,350

  hanksworth25guineasand167milesinlength.\"

  [Schulz,p.62]

  \"Onaverage,thepricesofcottongoodshavefallenby11/12thsoverthepast45years,andaccordingtoMarshall’scalculationsaquantityofmanufacturecosting16s.in1814nowcost1s.10d.Thedropinpricesofindustrialproductshasmeantbothariseinhomeconsumptionandanincreaseintheforeignmarket;asaresult,thenumberofcottonworkersinGreatBritainnotonlydidnotfallaftertheintroductionofmachinery,butrosefrom40,000to1.5

  million.Asfortheearningsofindustrialemployersandworkers,thegrowingcompetitionamongfactoryownershasinevitablyresultedinadropinprofitsinproportiontothequantityofproducts.Between1820and1833,thegrossprofitmadebyManchestermanufacturersonapieceofcalicofellfrom4s.1.5d.

  to1s.9d.But,tomakeupforthisloss,therateofproductionhasbeencorrespondinglyincreased.Theconsequenceisthattherehavebeeninstancesofoverproductioninsomebranchesofindustry;

  thattherearefrequentbankruptcies,whichcreatefluctuationsofpropertywithintheclassofcapitalistsandmastersoflabor,andforceanumberofthosewhohavebeenruinedeconomicallyintotheranksoftheproletariat;andthatfrequentandsuddenrestrictioninemploymentamongtheclassofwage—earners.\"

  [Schulz,p.63]

  \"Tohireoutone’slaboristobeginone’senslavement;tohireoutthematerialsoflaboristoachieveone’sfreedomLaborisman,whilemattercontainsnothinghuman.\"

  [Pecqueur,pp.411—12]

  \"Theelementofmatter,whichcandonothingtocreatewealthwithouttheelementoflabor,acquiresthemagicalpropertyofbeingfruitfulforthem[thatis,forthepropertyowners],asiftheythemselveshadprovidedthisindispensableelement.\"

  [Pecqueur,p.412]

  \"Ifweassumethataworkercanearnanaverageof400francsayearfromhisdailylabor,andthatthissumissufficientforoneadulttoekeoutaliving,thenanyonewhoreceives2,000francsininterestorrentisindirectlyforcing5mentoworkforhim;anincomeof100,000francsrepresentsthelaborof250men;and1,000,000francsthelaborof2,500(300million——LouisPhilippe——thereforerepresentsthelaborof750,000workers).\"

  [Pecqueur,pp.412—13]

  \"Thepropertyownershavereceivedfromhumanlawtherighttouseandabusethematerialsofalllabor——i.e.,todoastheywishwiththemThereisnolawwhichobligesthempunctuallyandatalltimetoprovideworkforthosewhodonotownpropertyortopaythemawagewhichisatalltimesadequate,etc.\"

  [Pecqueur,p.413]

  \"Completefreedomastothenature,thequantity,thequality,andtheappropriatenessofproduction,theuseandconsumptionofwealthandthedisposalofthematerialsofalllabor.Everyoneisfreetoexchangehispossessionsashechooses,withoutanyotherconsiderationthanhisowninterestasanindividual.\"

  [Pecqueur,p.413]

  \"Competitionissimplyanexpressionoffreeexchange,whichisitselftheimmediateandlogicalconsequenceoftherightofanyindividualtouseandabuseallinstrumentsofproduction.Thesethreeeconomicmoments,whichareinrealityonlyone——therighttouseandabuse,freedomofexchangeandunrestrictedcompetition——havethefollowingconsequences:eachproduceswhathewants,howhewants,whenhewants,wherehewants;heproduceswellorheproducesbadly,toomuchornotenough,toolateortooearly,toodearortoocheap;nooneknowswhetherhewillsell,towhomhewillsell,howhewillsell,whenhewillsell,wherehewillsell;

  thesamegoesforbuying.Theproducerisacquaintedwithneithertheneedsnortheresources,neitherthedemandnorthesupply.Hesellswhenhewants,thenhecan,wherehewants,towhomhewantsandatthepricehewants.Thesamegoesforbuying.Inallthisheisatalltimestheplaythingofchance,theslaveofthelawofthestrongest,oftheleastpressed,oftherichestWhileatonepointthereisashortageofwealth,atanotherthereisasurfeitandsquanderingofthesame.Whileoneproducersellsagreatdeal,orathighpricesandwithanenormousprofit,anothersellsnothingorsellsatalossSupplyisignorantofdemand,anddemandisignorantofsupply.Youproduceonthebasisofapreferenceorafashionprevalentamongtheconsumingpublic;butbythetimeyouarepreparingtoputyourcommodityonthemarket,themoodhaspassedandsomeotherkindofproducthascomeintofashionTheinevitableconsequencesarecontinualandspreadingbankruptcies,miscalculations,suddencollapses,andunexpectedfortunes;tradecrises,unemployment,periodicsurfeitsandshortages;instabilityanddeclineofwagesandprofits;thelossorenormouswasteofwealth,oftime,andofeffortinthearenaoffiercecompetition.\"

  [Pecqueur,p.414—16]Ricardoinhisbook[OnthePrinciplesofPoliticalEconomyetal]

  (rentofland):Nationsaremerelyworkshopsforproduction,andmanisamachineforconsumingandproducing.Humanlifeisapieceofcapital.

  Economiclawsruletheworldblindly.ForRicardo,menarenothing,theproducteverything.InChapter26,oftheFrenchtranslation,weread:

  \"Toanindividualwithacapitalof20,000pounds,whoseprofitswere2,000perannum,itwouldbeamatterquiteindifferentwhetherhiscapitalwouldemployahundredorathousandmenisnottherealinterestofthenationsimilar?Provideditsnetrealincome,itsrentsandprofits,bethesame,itisofnoimportancewhetherthenationconsistsof10or12millioninhabitants.\"

  [Ricardo,pp.234—5]

  \"Intruth,\"saysM.deSismondi,\"itremainsonlytodesirethattheking,whohasbeenleftquitealoneontheisland,should,bycontinuouslycrankingupanumberofautomatons,getallEngland’sworkdone.\"

  [J.C.L.SimondedeSismondi,Nouveauxprincipesd’economicpolitique,2volumes,Paris,1819,II,p.331]

  \"Themasterwhobuysaworker’slaboratapricesolowthatitisbarelyenoughtomeethismostpressingneedsisresponsibleneitherforthelowwagesnorthelonghoursofwork:hehimselfissubjecttothelawwhichheimposesMiseryistheproductnotsomuchofmenasofthepowerofthings.\"

  [Buret,I,p.82]

  \"TheinhabitantsofmanydifferentpartsofGreatBritainhavenotcapitalsufficienttoimproveandcultivatealltheirlands.ThewoolofthesoutherncountiesofScotlandis,agreatpartofit,afteralonglandcarriagethroughverybadroads,manufacturedinYorkshire,forwantofcapitaltomanufactureitathome.TherearemanylittlemanufacturingtownsinGreatBritain,ofwhichtheinhabitantshavenotcapitalsufficienttotransporttheproduceoftheirownindustrytothosedistantmarketswherethereisdemandandconsumptionforit.Ifthereareanymerchantsamongthem,theyareproperlyonlytheagentsofwealthiermerchantswhoresideinsomeofthegreatercommercialcities.\"

  [Smith,I,pp.326—7]

  \"Theannualproduceofthelandandlaborofanynationcanbeincreasedinitsvaluebynoothermeansbutbyincreasingeitherthenumberofitsproductivelaborers,ortheproductivepowersofthoselaborerswhohadbeforebeenemployedIneithercase,anadditionalcapitalisalmostalwaysrequired.\"

  [Smith,I,pp.306—7]

  \"Astheaccumulationofstockmust,inthenatureofthings,previoustothedivisionoflabor,solaborcanbemoreandmoresubdividedinproportiononlyasstockispreviouslymoreandmoreaccumulated.Thequantityofmaterialswhichthesamenumberofpeoplecanworkup,increasesinagreatproportionaslaborcomestobemoreandmoresubdivided;andastheoperationsofeachworkmanaregraduallyreducedtoagreaterdegreeofsimplicity,avarietyofnewmachinescometobeinventedforfacilitatingandabridgingtheseoperations.Asthedivisionoflaboradvances,therefore,inordertogiveconstantemploymenttoanequalnumberofworkmen,anequalstockofprovisions,andagreaterstockofmaterialsandtoolsthanwhatwouldhavebeennecessaryinaruderstateofthings,mustbeaccumulatedbeforehand.Butthenumberofworkmenineverybranchofbusinessgenerallyincreaseswiththedivisionoflaborinthatbranch,orratheritistheincreaseoftheirnumberwhichenablesthemtoclassandsubdividethemselvesinthismanner.\"

  [Smith,I,pp.241—2]

  \"Astheaccumulationofstockispreviouslynecessaryforcarryingonthisgreatimprovementintheproductivepowersoflabor,sothataccumulationnaturallyleadstothisimprovement.Thepersonwhoemployshisstockinmaintaininglabor,necessarilywishestoemployitinsuchamannerastoproduceasgreataquantityofworkaspossible.Heendeavors,therefore,bothtomakeamonghisworkmenthemostproperdistributionofemployment,andtofurnishthemwiththebestmachineswhichhecaneitherinventoraffordtopurchase.Hisabilitiesinboththeserespectsaregenerallyinproportiontotheextentofhisstock,ortothenumberofpeopleitcanemploy.Thequantityofindustry,therefore,notonlyincreasesineverycountrywiththeincreaseofthestockwhichemploysit,but,inconsequenceofthatincrease,thesamequantityofindustryproducesamuchgreaterquantityofwork.\"

  [Smith,I,p.242]Henceoverproduction.

  \"Moreextensivecombinationsofproductiveforcesintradeandindustrythroughtheunificationofmorenumerousandmorevariedhumanandnaturalforcesforundertakingsonalargerscale.Also,therearealreadyanumberofcasesofcloserlinksamongthemainbranchesofproductionthemselves.Thus,largemanufacturerswilltrytoacquirelargeestatesinordertoavoiddependingonothersforatleastapartoftherawmaterialstheyneedfortheirindustry;ortheywillsetupatradingconcernlinkedtotheirindustrialenterprisesandnotonlyselltheirownproductsbutbuyupandretailothersortsofgoodstotheirworkers.InEngland,wheretherearesomefactoryownerswhoemploybetween10—and12,000workerssimilarcombinationsofdifferentbranchesofproductionunderthecontrolofoneman,smallstatesorprovinceswithinastate,arenotuncommon.Forexample,themine—ownersnearBirminghamrecentlytookovertheentireprocessofironproduction,whichwaspreviouslyinthehandsofseveraldifferententrepreneursandowners.See’DerbergannischeDistriktbeiBirmingham’,DeutscheVierteljahrsschrift,no.3,1838.

  Finally,inthelargerjoint—stockcompanies,whichhavebecomesonumerous,wefindextensivecombinationsofthefinancialresourcesofmanyshareholderswiththescientificandtechnicalknowledgeandskillsofotherstowhomtheexecutionoftheworkisentrusted.Inthisway,itispossibleformanycapitaliststoapplytheirsavingsinamorediversifiedwayandeveninvestthemsimultaneouslyinagricultural,industrial,andcommercialproduction;asaresult,theirinterestsalsobecomemorediversifiedandtheconflictbetweenagricultural,industrial,andcommercialinterestsbeginstofadeaway.Butthegreatereasewithwhichcapitalcanbeemployedfruitfullyinthemostvariedfieldsinevitablyincreasestheconflictbetweenthepropertiedandthepropertylessclasses.\"

  [Schulz,pp.241—2]Theenormousprofitwhichthelandlordsmakeoutofmisery.Thegreaterthemiserycausedbyindustry,thehighertherent.

  Itisthesamewiththerateofinterestonthevicesoftheproletariat.

  (Prostitution,drinking,thepawnbroker.)

  Theaccumulationofcapitalsincreasesandthecompetitionbetweenthemdiminishes,ascapitalandlandedpropertyareunitedtogetherinonehandandcapitalisenabled,becauseofitssize,tocombinedifferentbranchesofproduction.

  Indifferencetowardsmen.Smith’s20lotterytickets.[Smith,I,p.94]

  Say’snetandgrossrevenue.

  RENTOFLAND

  Therightofthelandownerscanbetracedbacktorobbery.[Say,I,p.136,n.2]Landowners,likeallothermen,lovetoreapwheretheyneversowed,anddemandarentevenforthenaturalproduceoftheland.[Smith,I,p.44]

  \"Therentofland,itmaybethought,isfrequentlynomorethanareasonableprofitorinterestforthestocklaidoutbythelandlorduponitsimprovement.This,nodoubt,maybepartlythecaseuponsomeoccassionsThelandlorddemandsarentevenforunimprovedland,andthesupposedinterestorprofitupontheexpenseofimprovementisgenerallyanadditiontothisoriginalrent.Thoseimprovements,besides,arenotalwaysmadebythestockofthelandlord,butsometimesbythatofthetenant.Whentheleasecomestoberenewed,however,thelandlordcommonlydemandsthesameaugmentationofrentasiftheyhadbeenallmadebyhisown.

  \"Hesometimesdemandsrentsforwhatisaltogetherincapableofhumanimprovements.\"

  [Smith,I,p.131]Smithgivesasanexampleofthislastcase,kelp,aspeciesofseaweedwhich,whenburnt,yieldsanalkalinesaltusefulformakingglass,soap,etc.ItgrowsinseveralpartsofGreatBritain,especiallyinScotland,butonlyuponsuchrocksasliewithinthehighwatermark,whicharetwiceeverydaycoveredwiththeseaandofwhichtheproduce,therefore,wasneveraugmentedbyhumanindustry.Thelandlord,however,whoseestateisboundedbyakelpshoreofthiskind,demandsarentforitasmuchasforhiscornfields.TheseaintheneighborhoodoftheislandsofShetlandismorethancommonlyabundantinfish,whichmakeagreatpartofthesubsistenceoftheirinhabitants.Butinordertoprofitbytheproduceofthewater,theymusthaveahabitationontheneighboringland.Therentofthelandlordisinproportion,nottowhatthefarmercanmakebytheland,butbywhathecanmakebothbythelandandbythewater.

  \"Thisrentmaybeconsideredastheproduceofthosepower,theuseofwhichthelandlordlendstothefarmer.Itisgreaterorsmalleraccordingtothesupposedextentofthosepowers,orinotherwords,accordingtothesupposednaturalofimprovedfertilityoftheland.Itistheworkofnaturewhichremainsafterdeductingorcompensationeverythingwhichcanberegardedastheworkofman.\"

  [Smith,I,pp.324—5]

  \"Therentofland,therefore,consideredasthepricepaidfortheuseofland,isnaturallyamonopolyprice.Itisnotatallproportionedtowhatthelandlordmayhavelaidoutupontheimprovementoftheland,ortowhathecanaffordtotake;buttowhatthefarmercanaffordtogive.\"

  [Smith,I,p.131]

  \"They[landlords]aretheonlyonesofthethreeorderswhoserevenuecoststhemneitherlabornorcare,butcomestothem,asitwere,ofitsownaccord,andindependentofanyplanorprojectoftheirown.

  [Smith,I,p.230]Wehavealreadyseenhowthevolumeofrentdependsuponthedegreeoffertilityoftheland.

  \"Therentoflandnotonlyvarieswithitsfertility,whateverbeitsproduce,butwithitssituation,whateverbeitsfertility.\"

  [Smith,I,p.133]

  \"Theproduceoflands,mines,andfisheries,whentheirnaturalfertilityisequal,isinproportiontotheextentandproperapplicationofthecapitalsemployedaboutthem.Whenthecapitalsareequalandequallywellapplied,itisinproportiontotheirnaturalfertility.\"

  [Smith,I,p.249]TheseproportionsofSmithareimportant,becausetheyreducetherentland,wherecostsofproductionandsizeareequal,tothedegreeoffertilityofthesoil.Thisclearlydemonstratestheperversionofconceptsinpoliticaleconomy,whichturnsthefertilityofthesoilintoanattributeofthelandlord.

  Butletusnowexaminetherelationbetweenlandlordandtenant.

  \"Inadjustingthetermsofthelease,thelandlordendeavorstoleavehimnogreatershareoftheproductthanwhatissufficienttokeepupthestockfromwhichhefurnishestheseed,paysthelabor,andpurchasesandmaintainsthecattleandotherinstrumentsofhusbandry,togetherwiththeordinaryprofitsoffarmingstockintheneighborhood.Thisisevidentlythesmallestsharewithwhichthetenantcancontenthimselfwithoutbeingaloser,andthelandlordseldommeanstoleavehimanymore.Whateverpartoftheproduce,or,whatisthesamething,whateverpartofthepriceisoverandabovethisshare,henaturallyintendstoreservehimselfastherentofhisland,whichisevidentlythehighestthetenantcanaffordtopayintheactualcircumstancesofthelandThisportionmaystillbeconsideredasthenaturalrentofland,ortherentforwhichitisactuallymeantthatlandshouldforthemostpartbelet.\"

  [Smith,I,p.130—31]

  \"Thelandlords,\"saysSay,\"operateacertainkindofmonopolyagainstthetenants.Thedemandsfortheircommodity,whichisland,iscapableofaninfiniteexpansion;butthesupplycanonlyincreaseuptoacertainpointTheagreementreachedbetweenlandlordandtenantisalwaysasadvantageousaspossibletotheformerApartfromtheadvantagewhichhederivesfromthenatureofthecase,hederivesafurtheronefromhisposition,hislargerfortune,hiscreditandhisstanding;butthefirstoftheseadvantagesisinitselfenoughtoenablehimatalltimestoprofitfromthefavorablecircumstancesoftheland.TheopeningofacanalorroadandagrowthinpopulationandprosperityinacantonalwaysraisethepriceoftherentWhatismore,evenifthetenantmakesimprovementonhisplotoflandathisownexpense,hecanonlybenefitfromthiscapitalforthedurationofhislease;

  whenhisleaserunsout,thiscapitalremainsinthehandsofthelandlord.Fromthismomenton,itisthelatterwhoreapstheinterest,eventhoughitwasnothewhomadetheoriginaloutlay;

  fornowtherentisraisedproportionately.\"

  [Say,II,pp.142—3]

  \"Rent,consideredasthepricepaidfortheuseofland,isnaturallythehighestwhichthetenantcanaffordtopayintheactualcircumstancesoftheland.\"

  [Smith,I,p.130]

  \"Therentofanestateabovegroundcommonlymountstowhatissupposedtobeathirdofthegrossproduce;anditisgenerallyarentcertainandindependentoftheoccassionalvariationsinthecrop.\"

  [Smith,I,p.153]

  Rent\"isseldomlessthanafourth,andfrequentlymorethanathirdofthewholeproduce.\"

  [Smith,I,p.325]Groundrentcannotbepaidinthecaseofallcommodities.Forexample,inmanydistrictsnorentispaidforstones.

  \"Suchpartsonlyoftheproduceoflandcancommonlybebroughttomarketofwhichtheordinarypriceissufficienttoreplacethestockwhichmustbeemployedinbringingthemthither,togetherwithitsordinaryprofits.Iftheordinarypriceismorethanthis,thesurpluspartofitwillnaturallygototherentoftheland.Ifitisnotmore,thoughthecommoditymaybebroughttomarket,itcanaffordnorenttothelandlord.Whetherthepriceisorisnotmoredependsuponthedemand.\"

  [Smith,I,p.132]

  \"Rent,itistobeobserved,therefore,entersintothecompositionofthepriceofcommoditiesinadifferentwayfromwagesandprofit.Highorlowwagesandprofitarethecausesofhighorlowprices;highorlowrentistheeffectofit.\"

  [Smith,I,p.132]Amongtheproductswhichalwaysyieldarentisfood.

  \"Asmen,likeallotheranimals,naturallymultiplyinproportionthemeansofsubsistence,foodisalways,moreorless,indemand.

  Itcanalwayspurchaseorcommandagreaterorsmallerquantityoflabor,andsomebodycanalwaysbefoundwhoiswillingtodosomethinginordertoobtainit.Thequantityoflabor,indeed,whichitcanpurchaseisnotalwaysequaltowhatitcouldmaintain,ifmanagedinthemosteconomicalmanner,onaccountofthehighwageswhicharesometimesgiventolabor.Butitcanalwayspurchasesuchaquantityoflaborasitcanmaintain,accordingtotherateatwhichthatsortoflaboriscommonlymaintainedintheneighborhood.

  \"Butland,inalmostanysituation,producesagreaterquantityoffoodthanwhatissufficienttomaintainallthelabornecessaryforbringingittomarketinthemostliberalwayinwhichthatlaborisevermaintained.Thesurplus,too,isalwaysmorethansufficienttoreplacethestockwhichemployedthatlabor,togetherwithitsprofits.Something,therefore,alwaysremainsforarenttothelandlord.\"

  [Smith,I,p.132—3]

  \"Foodis,inthismanner,notonlytheoriginalsourceofrent,buteveryotherpartoftheproduceoflandwhichafterwardsaffordsrentderivesthatpartofitsvaluefromtheimprovementofthepowersoflaborinproducingfoodbymeansoftheimprovementandcultivationofland.\"

  [Smith,I,p.150]

  \"Humanfoodseemstobetheonlyproduceoflandwhichalwaysandnecessarilyaffordsarenttothelandlord.\"

  [Smith,I,p.147]

  \"Countriesarepopulousnotinproportiontothenumberofpeoplewhomtheirproducecanclotheandlodge,butinproportiontothatofthosewhomitcanfeed.\"

  [Smith,I,p.149]\"Afterfood,clothing,andlodging,arethetwogreatwantsofmankind.\"

  [Smith,I,p.147]Theygenerallyyieldarent,butnotnecessarily.

  Letusnowseeshowthelandlordexploitseverythingwhichistothebenefitofsociety.

  (1)Therentoflandincreaseswithpopulation.

  (2)WehavealreadylearntfromSayhowgroundrentriseswithrailways,etc.,andwiththeimprovement,security,andmultiplicationofthemeansofcommunication.

  (3)\"everyimprovementinthecircumstancesofthesocietytendseitherdirectlyorindirectlytoraisetherealrentofland,toincreasetherealwealthofthelandlord,hispowerofpurchasingthelabor,ortheproduceofthelaborofotherpeople.

  \"Theextensionofimprovementandcultivationtendstoraiseitdirectly.Thelandlord’sshareoftheproducenecessarilyincreaseswithanincreaseoftheproduce.

  \"Thatriseintherealpriceofthosepartsoftherudeproduceoflandtheriseinthepriceofcattle,forexample,tendstootoraisetherentoflanddirectly,andinastillgreaterproportion.Therealvalueofthelandlord’sshare,hisrealcommandofthelaborofotherpeople,notonlyriseswiththerealvalueoftheproduce,buttheproportionofhissharetothewholeproduceriseswithit.Thatproduce,aftertheriseinitsrealprice,requiresnomorelabortocollectitthanbefore.Asmallerproportionofitwill,therefore,besufficienttoreplace,withtheordinaryprofit,thestockwhichemploysthatlabor.Agreaterproportionofitmust,consequently,belongtothelandlord.\"

  [Smith,I,pp.228—29]Thegreaterthedemandforrawproductsandtheconsequentriseintheirvaluemaypartlybearesultoftheincreaseinpopulationandthegrowthoftheirneeds.Buteverynewinventionandeverynewapplicationinmanufactureofarawmaterialwhichwaspreviouslynotusedatalloronlyusedrarely,makesforanincreaseinthegroundrent.Forexample,therentofcoal—minesroseenormouslywhenrailways,steamships,etc.,wereintroduced.

  Besidesthisadvantagewhichthelandlordderivesfrommanufacture,discoveries,andlabor,thereisanotherthatweshallseepresently.

  (4)\"Allthoseimprovementsintheproductivepowersoflabor,whichtenddirectlytoreducetherealpriceofmanufactures,tendindirectlytoraisetherealrentofland.Thelandlordexchangesthatpartofhisrudeproduce,whichisoverandabovehisownconsumption,orwhatcomestothesamething,thepriceofthatpartofit,formanufacturedproduce.

  Whateverreducestherealpriceofthelatter,raisesthatoftheformer.Anequalopportunityoftheformerbecomestherebyequivalenttoagreaterquantityofthelatter;andthelandlordisenabledtopurchaseagreaterquantityoftheconveniences,ornaments,orluxuries,whichhehasoccassionfor.\"

  [Smith,I,pp.228—29]Butitisfoolishtoconclude,asSmithdoes,thatsincethelandlordexploitseverythingwhichisofbenefittosociety,theinterestofthelandlordisalwaysidenticalwiththatofsociety.Intheeconomicsystem,underwhichtheruleofprivateproperty,theinterestwhichanyindividualhasinsocietyisininverseproportiontotheinterestwhichsocietyhasinhim,justastheinterestofthemoneylenderinthespendthriftisnotatallidenticalwiththeinterestofthespendthrift.

  Wementiononlyinpassingthelandlord’sobsessionwithmonopolyagainstthelandedpropertyofforeigncountries,whichisthereason,forexample,forthecornlaws.Weshallsimilarlypassovermediaevalserfdom,slaveryinthecoloniesandthedistressoftheruralpopulation——theday—laborers——inGreatBritain.Letusconfineourselvestothepropositionsofpoliticaleconomyitself.

  (1)Thelandlord’sinterestinthewell—beingofsocietymeans,accordingtotheprinciplesofpoliticaleconomy,thatheisinterestedinthegrowthofitspopulationanditsproductionandtheincreaseofitsneeds,inaword,intheincreaseofwealth;andtheincreaseofwealthis,ifourpreviousobservationsarecorrect,identicalwiththegrowthofmiseryandslavery.Therelationshipofrisingrentsandrisingmiseryisoneexampleofthelandlord’sinterestinsociety,forariseinhouserentalsomeansariseingroundrent——theinterestonthelandonwhichthehousestands.

  (2)Accordingtothepoliticaleconomiststhemselves,theinterestofthelandlordisfiercelyopposedtothatofthetenant,andthereforeofaconsiderablesectionofsociety.

  (3)Thelandlordisinapositiontodemandmorerentfromthetenantthelesswagesthetenantpaysout,andthemorerentthelandlorddemandsthefurtherthetenantpushesdownthewages.Forthisreason,thelandlord’sinterestisjustasopposedtothatofthefarmlaborerasthemanufacturer’sistothatoftheworkers.Itlikewisepusheswagesdowntoaminimum.

  (4)Sincearealreductioninthepriceofmanufacturedproductsputsuptherentofland,thelandownerhasadirectinterestindepressingthewagesofthefactoryworker,incompetitionamongthecapitalists,inoverproductionandinallthemiseryoccassionedbyindustry.

  (5)Sotheinterestofthelandowner,farfrombeingidenticalwiththeinterestofsociety,isfiercelyopposedtotheinterestsofthetenants,thefarmlaborers,thefactoryworkers,andthecapitalists.But,asaresultofcompetition,theinterestofonelandownerisnotevenidenticalwiththatofanother.Weshallnowtakealookatcompetition.

  Generallyspeaking,largelandedpropertyandsmalllandedpropertyareinthesamerelationtooneanotheraslargeandsmallcapital.Inaddition,however,therearespecialcircumstanceswhichlead,withoutfail,totheaccumulationoflargelandedpropertyandtheswallowingupofsmallproperties.

  (1)Nowheredoesthenumberofworkersandtheamountofequipmentdeclinesogreatlyinproportiontothesizeofthestockasinlandedproperty.Similarly,nowheredoesthepossibilityofmany—sidedexploitation,thesavingofproportioncostsandthejudiciousdivisionoflaborincreasemoreinproportiontothatstockthaninthissphere.

  Whateverthesizeoftheplot,thereisacertainminimumoftoolsrequired——aplough,asaw,etc.——belowwhichitisimpossibletogo,whereasthereisnosuchlowermostlimittothesizeoftheproperty.

  (2)Largelandedpropertyaccumulatedforitselftheinterestonthecapitalwhichthetenanthasinvestedintheimprovementoftheland.Smalllandedpropertymustemployitsowncapital.Theentireprofitonthiscapitalislosttotheinvestor.

  (3)Whileeverysocialimprovementbenefitsthelargelandedproperty,itharmsthesmallone,sinceitmakesanincreasinglylargeamountofreadymoneynecessary.

  (4)Therearetwofurtherimportantlawsofthiscompetitiontobeconsidered:

  (a)\"therentofthecultivatedland,ofwhichtheproduceishumanfood,regulatestherentofthegreaterpartoftheothercultivatedland.\"

  [Smith,I,p.144]Inthelongrun,onlythelargeestatecanproducesourcesoffoodsuchascattle,etc.Itis,therefore,inapositiontoregulatetherentofotherlandandforceitdowntoaminimum.

  Thesmalllandownerwhoworksonhisownaccountis,therefore,inthesamerelationtothebiglandownerasthecraftsmanwhoownshisowntoolsistothefactoryowner.Thesmallestatehasbecomeameretool.

  Groundrentdisappearsentirelyforthesmalllandowner;atthemost,thereremainstohimtheinterestonhiscapitalandthewagesofhislabor,forgroundrentcanbeforcedsolowbycompetitionthatitbecomesnothingmorethantheinterestoncapitalnotinvestedbytheownerhimself.

  (b)Furthermore,wehavealreadyseenthatgivenequalfertilityandequallyeffectiveexploitationoflands,mines,andfisheries,theproduceisinproportiontotheextentofcapitalemployed.Hence,thevictoryofthelargelandowner.Similarly,whereequalamountsofcapitalareinvested,theproduceisinproportiontothedegreeoffertility.

  Thatistosay,wherecapitalsareequal,victorygoestotheownerofthemorefertileland.

  (c)\"Amineofanykindmaybesaidtobeeitherfertileorbarren,accordingasthequantityofmineralwhichcanbebroughtfromitbyacertainquantityoflaborisgreaterorlessthanwhatcanbebroughtbyanequalquantityfromthegreaterpartofotherminesofthesamekind.\"

  [Smith,I,p.151]

  \"Themostfertilecoal—mine,too,regulatesthepriceofcoalsatalltheotherminesinitsneighborhood.Boththeproprietorandtheundertakeroftheworkfind,theonethathecangetagreaterrent,theotherthathecangetagreaterprofitbysomewhatundersellingalltheirneighbors.

  Theirneighborsaresoonobligedtosellatthesameprice,thoughtheycannotsowellaffordit,andthoughitalwaysdiminishes,andsometimestakesawayaltogetherboththeirrentandtheirprofit.Someworksareabandonedaltogether;

  otherscanaffordnorent,andcanbewroughtonlybytheproprietor.\"

  [Smith,I,pp.152—3]

  \"AfterthediscoveroftheminesofPeru,thesilver—minesofEuropewere,thegreaterpartofthem,abandoned

  Thiswasthecase,too,withtheancientminesofPeru,afterthediscoveryofthoseofPotosi.\"

  [Smith,I,p.154]WhatSmithsayshereofminesismore—or—lesstrueoflandedpropertyingeneral.

  (d)\"Theordinarymarketpriceofland,itistobeobserved,dependseverywhereupontheordinarymarketrateofinterestiftherentoflandshouldfallshortoftheinterestofmoneybyagreaterdifference,nobodywouldbuytheland,whichwouldsoonreduceitsordinaryprice.Onthecontrary,iftheadvantagesshouldmuchmorethancompensatethedifference,everybodywouldbuytheland,whichwouldsoonraiseitsordinaryprice.\"

  [Smith,I,p.320]Iffollowsfromthisrelationbetweengroundrentandinterestonmoneythatgroundrentmustcontinuetofalluntileventuallyonlytherichestpeoplecanaffordtolivefromit.Thismeansanincreaseincompetitionbetweenthoselandownerswhodonotleaseouttheirland.Someofthemareruined.Thereisonceagainanaccumulationoflargelandedproperty.

  Thiscompetitionhasthefurtherconsequencethatalargepartoflandedpropertyfallsintothehandsofthecapitalists;thus,thecapitalistbecomeslandowners,justasthesmallerlandownersare,ingeneral,nothingmorethancapitalists.Inthisway,apartoflargelandedpropertybecomesindustrial.

  So,thefinalconsequenceoftheabolitionofthedistinctionbetweencapitalistandlandowner——whichmeansthat,ingeneral,thereremainonlytwoclassesinthepopulation:theworkingclassandthecapitalistclass.Thissellingoffoflandedproperty,andtransformationofsuchpropertyintoacommodity,marksthefinalcollapseoftheoldaristocracyandthefinalvictoryofthearistocracyofmoney.

  (1)Werefusetojoininthesentimentaltearswhichromanticismshedsonthisaccount.Romanticismalwaysconfusestheinfamyofsellingoffthelandwiththeentirelyreasonableand,withinthesystemofprivateproperty,inevitableanddesirableconsequenceofthesellingoffofprivatepropertyinland.Inthefirstplace,feudallandedpropertyisalreadyinessencelandwhichhasbeensoldoff,landwhichhasbeenestrangedfrommanandnowconfrontshimintheshapeofahandfulofgreatlords.

  Infeudallandownership,wealreadyfindthedominationoftheearthasofanalienpowerovermen.Theserfisanappurtenanceoftheland.Similarly,theheirthroughprimogeniture,thefirstbornson,belongstotheland.Itinheritshim.Theruleofprivatepropertybeginswithpropertyinland,whichisitsbasis.Butinthesystemoffeudallandownership,thelordatleastappearstobekingoftheland.Inthesameway,thereisstilltheappearanceofarelationshipbetweenownerandlandwhichisbasedonsomethingmoreintimatethanmerematerialwealth.

  Thelandisindividualizedwithitslord,itacquireshisstatus,itisbaronialorducalwithhim,hashisprivileges,hisjurisdiction,hispoliticalposition,etc.Itappearsastheinorganicbodyofitslord.Hencetheproverb,nulleterresansmaitre[\"Nolandwithoutitsmaster\"],whichexpressestheblendingofnobilityandlandedproperty.Inthesameway,theruleoflandedpropertydoesnotappeardirectlyastheruleofmerecapital.Itsrelationshiptothosedependentuponitismorelikethatofafatherland.Itisasortofnarrowpersonality.

  Inthesameway,feudallandedpropertygivesitsnametoitslord,asdoesakingdomtoitsking.Hisfamilyhistory,thehistoryofhishouse,etc.——allthisindividualizeshisestateforhim,andformallyturnsitintohishouse,intoaperson.Similarly,theworkersontheestatearenotinthepositionofday—laborers;rather,theyarepartlythepropertyofthelandowner,asareserfs,andtheyarepartlylinkedtohimthrougharelationshipbasedonrespect,submissiveness,andduty.

  Hisrelationtothemisthereforedirectlypolitical,andevenhasanagreeableaspect.Customs,character,etc.,varyfromoneestatetoanotherandappeartobeonewiththeirparticularstretchofland;later,however,itisonlyaman’spurse,andnothischaracterorindividuality,whichtieshimtotheland.Finally,thefeudallandownermakesnoattempttoextractthemaximumprofitfromhisproperty.Rather,heconsumeswhatisthereandleavestheharvestingofittohisserfsandtenants.Suchisthearistocraticconditionoflandownership,whichshedsaromanticgloryonitslords.

  Itisinevitablethatthisappearanceshouldbeabolishedandthatlandedproperty,whichistherootofprivateproperty,shouldbedrawnentirelyintotheorbitofprivatepropertyandbecomeacommodity;

  thattheruleofthepropertyownershouldappearasthenakedruleofprivateproperty,ofcapital,divestedofallpoliticaltincture;thattherelationshipbetweenpropertyownerandworkershouldbereducedtotheeconomicrelationshipbetweenthepropertyownerandhispropertyshouldcometoanend,andthatthepropertyitselfshouldbecomepurelymaterialwealth;thatthemarriageofinterestwiththelandshouldtakeoverfromthemarriageofhonor,andthatland,likeman,shouldsinktothelevelofavenalobject.Itisinevitablethattherootoflandedproperty——

  sordidself—interest——shouldalsomanifestitselfinitscynicalform.

  Itisinevitablethatimmovablemonopolyshouldbecomemobileandrestlessmonopoly,competition;andthattheidleemploymentoftheproductsofthesweatandbloodofotherpeopleshouldbecomeabriskcommerceinthesame.Finally,itisinevitableundertheseconditionsofcompetitionthatlandedproperty,intheformofcapital,shouldmanifestitsdominationbothovertheworkingclassandoverthepropertyownersthemselves,inasmuchasthelawsofthemovementofcapitalareeitherruiningorraisingthem.

  Inthisway,themediaevalsayingnulleterresansseigneurgiveswaytothemodernsayingl’argentn’apasdemaitre[\"Moneyknowsnomaster\"],whichisanexpressionofthecompletedominationofdeadmatterovermen.

  (2)Thefollowingobservationscanbemadeinconnectionwiththecontroversyoverwhetherornottodivideuplandedproperty.

  Thedivisionoflandedpropertynegatesthelarge—scalemonopolyoflandedproperty,abolishesit,butonlybygeneralizingit.Itdoesnotabolishthebasisofmonopoly,whichisprivateproperty.Itattackstheexistence,butnottheessence,ofmonopoly.Theconsequenceisthatitfallsfoulofthelawsofprivateproperty.Fortodivideuplandedpropertycorrespondstothemovementofcompetitionintheindustrialsphere.

  Apartfromtheeconomicdisadvantagesofthisdivisionoftheinstrumentsoflaborandseparationoflabor(nottobeconfusedwiththedivisionoflabor;thisisnotacaseofdividingupworkamonganumberofindividuals,butofeachindividualdoingthesamework;itisamultiplicationofthesamework),thisdivisionoftheland,likecompetitioninindustry,inevitablyleadstofurtheraccumulation.

  Sowhereverlandedpropertyisdividedup,monopolywillinevitablyreappearinanevenmorerepulsiveform——unless,thatis,thedivisionoflandedpropertyitselfisnegatedorabolished.Thisdoesnotmeanareturntofeudalproperty,buttheabolition[Aufhebung]ofprivatepropertyislandaltogether.Thefirststepintheabolitionofmonopolyisalwaystogeneralizeandextenditsexistence.Theabolitionofmonopoly,whenithasreacheditsbroadestandmostcomprehensiveexistence,isitscompletedestruction.Association,whenappliedtotheland,retainsthebenefitsoflargelandedpropertyfromaneconomicpointofviewandrealizesforthefirsttimethetendencyinherentinthedivisionofland,namelyequality.

  Atthesametime,associationrestoresman’sintimatelinkstothelandinarationalway,nolongermediatedbyserfdom,lordship,andanimbecilemystiqueofproperty.Thisisbecausetheearthceasestobeanobjectofbarter,andthroughfreelaborandfreeemploymentonceagainbecomesauthentic,personalpropertyforman.Onegreatadvantageofthedivisionofthelandisthatitsmasses,whoarenolongerpreparedtotolerateservitude,aredestroyedbypropertyinadifferentwayfromthoseinindustry.

  Asforlargelandedproperty,itsapologistshavealwayssophisticallyidentifiedtheeconomicadvantagesinherentinlarge—scaleagriculturewithlargelandedproperty,asiftheseadvantageswouldnotontheonehandattaintheirfullestdegreeofdevelopmentandontheotherhandbecomesociallyusefulforthefirsttimeoncepropertyabolished.Similarly,theyhaveattackedthetradingspiritofthesmalllandowners,asiflarge—scalelandownership,eveninitsfeudalform,didnotalreadycontainwithinittheelementsofbarter——nottomentionthemodernEnglishform,inwhichthefeudalismofthelandowneriscombinedwiththehucksteringandtheindustryofthetenantfarmer.

  Justaslarge—scalelandedpropertycanreturnthereproachofmonopolymadeagainstitbytheadvocatedofdivisionoftheland,forthedivisionofthelandisalsobasedonthemonopolyofprivateproperty,socantheadvocatesofdivisionreturnthereproachofpartition,forpartitionofthelandalsoexists——thoughinarigid,ossifiedform——

  onthelargeestates.Indeed,divisionistheuniversalbasisofprivateproperty.Besides,asthedivisionoflandedpropertyleadsoncemoretolargelandedpropertyintheformofcapitalwealth,feudallandedpropertyinevitablyadvancestowardsdivisionoratleastfallsintothehandsofthecapitalists,howevermuchitmighttwistandturn.

  Forlarge—scalelandedproperty,asinEngland,drivestheoverwhelmingmajorityofthepopulationintothearmsofindustryandreducesitsownworkerstototalmisery.Inthisway,itcreatesandincreasesthepowerofitsenemy,capitalandindustry,bydrivingthepoorandanentirerangeofactivitiesovertotheotherside.Itmakesthemajorityofthecountryindustrial,andhenceantagonistictolandedproperty.Whereindustryhasacquiredgreatpower,asinEngland,itgraduallyforceslargelandedpropertytogiveupitsmonopolyagainstforeigncountriesandobligesittocompetewithforeignlandedproperty.Forundertheruleofindustry,landedpropertycouldmaintainitsfeudalproportionsonlybymeansofamonopolyagainstforeigncountries,soastoprotectitselfagainsttheuniversallawsoftradewhichcontradictitsfeudalnature.Onceexposedtocompetition,itisforcedtoobeythelawsofcompetition,justlikeanyothercommoditywhichissubjecttothem.Ittoobeginstofluctuate,toincreaseanddiminish,toflyfromonehandintoanother,andnolawisanylongercapableofkeepingitinafewpredestinedhands,or,atanyevent,surrendertothepoweroftheindustrialcapitalists.

  Finally,largelandedproperty,whichhasbeenforciblypreservedinthiswayandwhichhasgivenrisealongsideitselftoanextensiveindustry,leadsmorerapidlytoacrisisthandoesthedivisionoflandedproperty,alongsidewhichthepowerofindustryinvariablytakessecondplace.

  ItisclearfromthecaseofEnglandthatlargelandedpropertyhascastoffitsfeudalcharacterandassumedanindustrialcharacterinsofarasitwantstomakeasmuchmoneyaspossible.Ityieldstheownerthebiggestpossiblerentandthetenantthebiggestpossibleprofitonhiscapital.Asaconsequence,theagriculturalworkershavealreadybeenreducedtoaminimum,andtheclassoftenantfarmersalreadyrepresentswithinlandedpropertythemightofindustryandcapital.Asaresultofforeigncompetition,groundrentmoreorlessceasestobeanindependentsourceofincome.Alargepartofthelandownersisforcedtotakeoverfromthetenants,someofwhomareconsequentlyreducedtotheproletariat.Ontheotherhand,manytenantswilltakepossessionoflandedproperty;forthebiglandowners,whohavegiventhemselvesupforthemostparttosquanderingtheircomfortablerevenueandaregenerallynotcapableoflarge—scaleagriculturalmanagement,inmanycaseshaveneitherthecapitalnortheabilitytoexploittheland.Therefore,asectionofthebiglandownersisalsoruined.Eventuallywages,whichhavealreadybeenreducedtoaminimum,mustbereducedevenfurtherinordertomeetthenewcompetition,Thisthenleadsnecessarilytorevolution.

  Landedpropertyhadtodevelopineachofthesetwoways,inordertoexperienceinbothofthemitsnecessarydecline;justasindustryhadtoruinitselfbothintheformofmonopolyandintheformofcompetitionbeforeitcouldbelieveinman.

  ESTRANGEDLABOR

  Wehavestartedoutfromthepremisesofpoliticaleconomy.Wehaveaccepteditslanguageanditslaws.Wepresupposedprivateproperty;theseparationoflabor,capital,andland,andlikewiseofwages,profit,andcapital;thedivisionoflabor;competition;theconceptionofexchangevalue,etc.Frompoliticaleconomyitself,usingitsownwords,wehaveshownthattheworkersinkstothelevelofacommodity,andmoreoverthemostwretchedcommodityofall;thatthemiseryoftheworkerisininverseproportiontothepowerandvolumeofhisproduction;thatthenecessaryconsequenceofcompetitionistheaccumulationofcapitalinafewhandsandhencetherestorationofmonopolyinamoreterribleform;

  andthat,finally,thedistinctionbetweencapitalistandlandlord,betweenagriculturalworkerandindustrialworker,disappearsandthewholeofsocietymustsplitintothetwoclassesofpropertyownersandpropertylessworkers.

  Politicaleconomyproceedsfromthefactofprivateproperty.

  Itdoesnotexplainit.Itgraspsthematerialprocessofprivateproperty,theprocessthroughwhichitactuallypasses,ingeneralandabstractformulaewhichitthentakesaslaws.ItdoesnotComprehendtheselaws——i.e.,itdoesnotshowhowtheyarisefromthenatureofprivateproperty.Politicaleconomyfailstoexplainthereasonforthedivisionbetweenlaborandcapital.Forexample,whenitdefinestherelationofwagestoprofit,ittakestheinterestsofthecapitalistsasthebasisofitsanalysis——i.e.,itassumeswhatitissupposedtoexplain.Similarly,competitionisfrequentlybroughtintotheargumentandexplainedintermsofexternalcircumstances.Politicaleconomyteachesusnothingabouttheextenttowhichtheseexternalandapparentlyaccidentalcircumstancesareonlytheexpressionofanecessarydevelopment.Wehaveseenhowexchangeitselfappearstopoliticaleconomyasanaccidentalfact.Theonlywheelswhichpoliticaleconomysetsinmotionaregreed,andthewaroftheavaricious——Competition.

  Preciselybecausepoliticaleconomyfailstograsptheinterconnectionswithinthemovement,itwaspossibletooppose,forexample,thedoctrineofcompetitiontothedoctrineofmonopoly,thedoctrineofcraftfreedomtothedoctrineoftheguild,andthedoctrineofthedivisionoflandedpropertytothedoctrineofthegreatestate;forcompetition,craftfreedom,anddivisionoflandedpropertyweredevelopedandconceivedonlyasaccidental,deliberate,violentconsequencesofmonopoly,oftheguilds,andoffeudalproperty,andnotastheirnecessary,inevitable,andnaturalconsequences.

  Wenowhavetograsptheessentialconnectionbetweenprivateproperty,greed,theseparationoflabor,capitalandlandedproperty,exchangeandcompetition,valueandthedevaluation[Entwertung]

  ofman,monopoly,andcompetition,etc.——theconnectionbetweenthisentiresystemofestrangement[Entfremdung]andthemoneysystem.

  Wemustavoidrepeatingthemistakeofthepoliticaleconomist,whobaseshisexplanationsonsomeimaginaryprimordialcondition.Suchaprimordialconditionexplainsnothing.Itsimplypushesthequestionintothegreyandnebulousdistance.Itassumesasfactsandeventswhatitissupposedtodeduce——namely,thenecessaryrelationshipsbetweentwothings,between,forexample,thedivisionoflaborandexchange.Similarly,theologyexplainstheoriginofevilbythefallofMan——i.e.,itassumesasafactintheformofhistorywhatitshouldexplain.

  Weshallstartoutfromapresent—dayeconomicfact.

  Theworkerbecomespoorerthemorewealthheproduces,themorehisproductionincreasesinpowerandextent.Theworkerbecomesanevercheapercommoditythemorecommoditiesheproduces.Thedevaluationofthehumanworldgrowsindirectproportiontotheincreaseinvalueoftheworldofthings.Labornotonlyproducescommodities;italsoproducesitselfandtheworkersasacommodityanditdoessointhesameproportioninwhichitproducescommoditiesingeneral.

  Thisfactsimplymeansthattheobjectthatlaborproduces,itproduct,standsopposedtoitassomethingalien,asapowerindependentoftheproducer.Theproductoflaborislaborembodiedandmadematerialinanobject,itistheobjectificationoflabor.Therealizationoflaborisitsobjectification.Inthesphereofpoliticaleconomy,thisrealizationoflaborappearsasalossofrealityfortheworker,objectificationaslossofandbondagetotheobject,andappropriationasestrangement,asalienation[Entausserung].

  Somuchdoestherealizationoflaborappearaslossofrealitythattheworkerloseshisrealitytothepointofdyingofstarvation.

  Somuchdoesobjectificationappearaslossoftheobjectthattheworkerisrobbedoftheobjectsheneedsmostnotonlyforlifebutalsoforwork.

  Workitselfbecomesanobjectwhichhecanonlyobtainthroughanenormouseffortandwithspasmodicinterruptions.Somuchdoestheappropriationoftheobjectappearasestrangementthatthemoreobjectstheworkerproducesthefewercanhepossessandthemorehefallsunderthedominationofhisproduct,ofcapital.

  Alltheseconsequencesarecontainedinthischaracteristic,thattheworkersisrelatedtotheproductoflaborastoanalienobject.

  Foritisclearthat,accordingtothispremise,themoretheworkerexertshimselfinhiswork,themorepowerfulthealien,objectiveworldbecomeswhichhebringsintobeingoveragainsthimself,thepoorerheandhisinnerworldbecome,andthelesstheybelongtohim.Itisthesameinreligion.ThemoremanputsintoGod,thelessheretainswithinhimself.

  Theworkerplaceshislifeintheobject;butnowitnolongerbelongstohim,buttotheobject.Thegreaterhisactivity,therefore,thefewerobjectstheworkerpossesses.Whattheproductofhislaboris,heisnot.

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