第32章
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  Incomparingthedecisionsofthehighercourtswiththoseofthelowertheycontrastmostsignallywiththedecisionsrenderedbyjuriesinthelowertribunals。Whilethiscontrasthasasignificanceinanotherconnection,itcastsnoshadowonthelegalityofthedecisionsofthecourtsofhigherinstance。Thejuries,ingreatmeasure,speakforthestrainedsympathiesofthevulgar,whichareamattersomewhatapartfromthefoundationsoflawandorder。9*

  Popularsentiment,then,doesnotatalluniformlybearoutthesedecisionsofthecourtsindisputesbetweenpropertyrightsandnakedmankind,especiallynotinthemorerigorousenforcementoftheprincipleoffreecontract。Thisdiscrepancyservestoshowthatthevulgar,thelaity,fromwhosenumbersthejuriesaredrawn,havenotanadequatesenseoftheprinciplesthatlieattherootofthelaw;whichmaybedueinparttotheirnotrealizinghowessentialafoundationoflaw,order,andcommonwelfaretheseprinciplesofnaturallibertyare。Thevisibledisparityinthedistributionofpropertymaymakethoseclasseswhohavelittlepropertyenviousofthewealthymembers,andsomakethemloseinterestinthemaintenanceoftherightsofproperty。Butapartfromthis,thedisciplineofdailylife,fromwhichthecommon-sensenotionsofthevulgarareingoodpartderived,isnolongerinfullaccordwiththenatural-rightsconceptionshandeddownfromtheeighteenthcentury。Inotherwords,theconceptionsofnaturalrightsonwhichthecommonlawrestsembodyatechnicallycompetentformulationofthedeliverancesofthatbodyofcommonsensewhichwasinculcatedbythedisciplineofeverydaylifeintheeighteenthcentury,beforetheadventofthecurrentsituation;whereasthedisciplineofeverydaylifeunderthecurrenttechnologicalandbusinesssituationinculcatesabodyofcommon-senseviewssomewhatatvariancewiththereceivednatural-rightsnotions。

  Thereisapparentlysomethingofadivergencebetweenthereceivednotionsonthisheadandthedeliverancesoflatter-daycommonsense。Thedivergenceisneitherwelldefinednorconsistent。Thelatter-dayattitudetowardquestionsofthekindinvolvedisvague,chieflynegativeorcritical,andapparentlyfluctuating;butafterallthereisasomewhatpersistentdivergence,whichmayevenbesaidtohaveasystematiccharacter,sofarasitgoes。Itrunsinthedirectionofapartialandvacillatingdisavowalordistrustofthemetaphysicsoffreecontract,andevenofnaturallibertygenerally。Thisuncertaintyofallegiancetothereceivedfoundationsoflawandorderprevailsinunequaldegreesamongthevariousclassesofthecommunity,beingapparentlylargestandmostoutspokenamongtheworkmenoftheindustrialtowns,andbeing,onthewhole,lessnoticeableamongthepropertiedandprofessionalclassesandtheruralpopulation。Thepeculiarclassdistributionofthisdisintegrationofreceivedconvictions,aswellasitsconnectionwithmodernindustrialconditions,willbetakenupagainpresentlyinanotherconnection。

  Thestate,thatistosay,thegovernment,wasonceanorganizationforthecontrolofaffairsintheinterestofprincelyordynasticends。Ininternalaffairsstatecraftwasoccupiedwithquestionsofthedynasticsuccession,theendeavorsandintriguesofthepoliticalmagnates,fiscaladministrationdirectedtofindingadequatesupportfortheprincelypower,andthelike。Inexternalpoliticstheobjectiveendwasdynasticprestigeandsecurity,militarysuccess,andthelike。Suchisstillinparttheendofpoliticalendeavorinthosecountries,as,e。g。,Germany,Austria,orItaly,wherethetransitiontoaconstitutionalgovernmenthasnotbeencompleted。Butsincetheadventofconstitutionalgovernmentandparliamentaryrepresentation,businessendshavetakentheleadofdynasticendsinstatecraft,verymuchinthesamemeasureasthetransitiontoconstitutionalmethodshasbeeneffectuallycarriedthrough。Aconstitutionalgovernmentisabusinessgovernment。Itisparticularlythroughthebusinessexpedientofparliamentaryvotingonthebudgetthatanyconstitutionalexecutive,e。g。,iskeptwithinconstitutionalbounds;andthebudgetisvotedwithamainviewtoitsexpediencyforbusinessends。Theexpediencyofbusinessenterpriseisnotquestioned,whereastheexpediencyofanincreaseofprincelypoweranddignity,withtheincidentalcosts,maybequestioned。

  Moderngovernmentalpolicies,lookingastheydotothefurtheringofbusinessinterestsastheirchiefcare,areofa“mercantile“complexion。Theyaimtofostertrade,asdidthemercantilepoliciesofthesixteenthandseventeenthcenturies,althoughsince“trade“hascometoincludemuchelsethanforeigncommerce,themodernpolicieslooktobusinessinthemorecomprehensivesensewhichthetermnownecessarilyhas。Butthesemodernmercantilepolicies,withtheirtariffs,treaties,interstatecommerceregulations,andmaximsprohibitingall“restraintoftrade,“areafterallnotofthesamenatureasthemercantilepoliciesoftheoldFrenchandGermanstatesmen,whichtheysuperficiallyresemble。Theold“mercantilesystem,“asitprevailedontheContinentofEurope,wasconceivedintheinterestoftheprince,thefurtheringofcommercialadvantagebeingameanstoprincelypoweranddignity。10*Themodernmercantilismunderconstitutionalrule,ontheotherhand,lookstotheprinceortothegovernmentasameanstotheendofcommercialgain。Withthetransitiontoconstitutionalruleandmethods,thediscretionandautonomyinthecasehaspassedfromthehandsoftheprinceintothoseofthebusinessmen,andtheinterestsofthebusinessmenhavesupersededthoseofthecrown。

  Representativegovernmentmeans,chiefly,representationofbusinessinterests。Thegovernmentcommonlyworksintheinterestofthebusinessmenwithafairlyconsistentsinglenessofpurpose。Andinitssolicitudeforthebusinessmen’sinterestsitisborneoutbycurrentpublicsentiment,forthereisanaive,unquestioningpersuasionabroadamongthebodyofthepeopletotheeffectthat,insomeoccultway,thematerialinterestsofthepopulacecoincidewiththepecuniaryinterestsofthosebusinessmenwholivewithinthescopeofthesamesetofgovernmentalcontrivances。Thispersuasionisanarticleofpopularmetaphysics,inthatitrestsonanuncriticallyassumedsolidarityofinterests,ratherthanonaninsightintotherelationofbusinessenterprisetothematerialwelfareofthoseclasseswhoarenotprimarilybusinessmen。Thispersuasionisparticularlysecureamongthemoreconservativeportionofthecommunity,thebusinessmen,superiorandsubordinate,togetherwiththeprofessionalclasses,ascontrastedwiththosevulgarportionsofthecommunitywhoaretaintedwithsocialisticoranarchisticnotions。Butsincetheconservativeelementcomprisesthecitizensofsubstanceandweight,andindeedtheeffectivemajorityoflaw-abidingcitizens,itfollowsthat,withthesanctionofthegreatbodyofthepeople,evenincludingthosewhohavenopecuniaryintereststoserveinthematter,constitutionalgovernmenthas,inthemain,becomeadepartmentofthebusinessorganizationandisguidedbytheadviceofthebusinessmen。Thegovernmenthas,ofcourse,muchelsetodobesidesadministeringthegeneralaffairsofthebusinesscommunity;butinmostofitswork,eveninwhatisnotostensiblydirectedtobusinessends,itisunderthesurveillanceofthebusinessinterests。Itseldomhappens,ifatall,thatthegovernmentofacivilizednationwillpersistinacourseofactiondetrimentalornotostensiblysubservienttotheinterestsofthemoreconspicuousbodyofthecommunity’sbusinessmen。Thedegreeinwhichagovernmentfailstoadaptitspolicytothesebusinessexigenciesisthemeasureofitssenility。

  Thegroundofsentimentonwhichreststhepopularapprovalofagovernmentforbusinessendsmaybesummedupundertwoheads:patriotismandproperty。Bothofthesetermsstandforinstitutionalfactsthathavecomedownoutofapastwhichdifferedsubstantiallyfromthepresentsituation。Thesubstanceofbothisofthenatureofunreasoningsentiment,inthesensethatbothareinsistedonasamatterofcourse,asself-legitimatinggroundsofactionwhich,itisfelt,notonlygiveexpedientrulesofconduct,butadmitofnoquestionastotheirulteriorconsequencesortheirvalueforthelife-purposesofthecommunity。Theformerofthesefundamentalinstitutionalhabitsofthoughtperhapsbetter,habitsofmindrunsbacktothedisciplineofearlybarbarism,throughthefeudaldaysoffealtytotheearlierdaysofclanlifeandclannishanimosity。

  Ithasthereforethedeep-rootedstrengthgivenbyanextremelyprotracteddisciplineofpredationandservitude。Undermodernconditionsitistoberatedasessentiallyaninstitutionalsurvival,soingrainedinthepopulaceastomakeanyappealtoitsecureofaresponseirrespectiveofthematerialmeritsofthecontentioninwhosebehalftheappealismade。11*

  Byforceofthishappyknackofclannishfancythecommonmanisenabledtofeelthathehassomesortofmetaphysicalshareinthegainswhichaccruetothebusinessmenwhoarecitizensofthesame“commonwealth“;sothatwhateverpolicyfurthersthecommercialgainsofthosebusinessmenwhosedomicileiswithinthenationalboundariesisfelttobebeneficialtoalltherestofthepopulation。12*

  Thesecondinstitutionalsupportofbusinesspolitics,viz。

  property,issimilarlyanoutgrowthofthedisciplineofthepast,andsimilarly,thoughperhapsinalessdegree,outoftouchwiththedisciplineofthemorerecentculturalsituation。

  Intheforminwhichitprevailsinthecurrentpopularanimus,theprincipleofownershipcomesdownfromthedaysofhandicraftindustryandpettytrade,aspointedoutabove。Asitisoflessancientandlessunbrokendescent,soitseemsalsotobealesssecureculturalheritagethanthesenseofpatrioticsolidarity。

  Itsaysthattheownershipofpropertyisthematerialfoundationofhumanwellbeing,andthatthisnaturalrightofownershipissacred,afterthemannerinwhichindividuallife,andmoreespeciallynationallife,issacred。Thehabitsoflifeandthoughtinculcatedbyjointworkunderthemanorialsystemandbyjointrulesunderthehandicraftsystemhaveapparentlycontributedmuchtothenotionofasolidarityofeconomicinterests,havinggiventhenotionsuchadegreeofconsistencyashasenabledittopersistinthefaceofavisiblediscrepancyofinterestsinlater,capitalistictimes。Underthiscurrent,businessregime,businessgainsarethebasisofindividualwealth,andthepseudonotionofjointacquisitionhastakentheplaceofthemanorialnotionofjointwork。Theinstitutionalanimusofownership,asittookshapeunderthedisciplineofearlymodernhandicraft,awardstheownershipofpropertytotheworkmanwhohasproducedit。Byadialecticalconversionoftheterms,thismetaphysicaldictumismadetofitthecircumstancesoflatercompetitivebusinessbyconstruingacquisitionofpropertytomeanproductionofwealth;sothatabusinessmanislookeduponastheputativeproducerofwhateverwealthheacquires。Byforceofthissophisticationtheacquisitionofpropertybyanypersonisheldtobe,notonlyexpedientfortheowner,butmeritoriousasanactionservingthecommongood。

  Failuretobargainshrewdlyortoaccumulatemoregoodsthanonehasproducedbytheworkofone’sownhandsislookeduponwithafeelingofannoyance,asaneglect,notonlyofopportunity,butofduty。Thepecuniaryconsciencecommonlydoesnot,ofcourse,gotoquixoticlengthsinapublicspiritedinsistenceoneverybody’sacquiringmorethananaliquotpartoftheaggregatewealthonhand,butitisfeltthathebestservesthecommongoodwho,otherthingsequal,divertsthelargershareoftheaggregatewealthtohisownpossession。Hisacquiringadefensibletitletoitmakeshimtheputativeproducerofit。

  Thenatural-rightsbasisofownershipisbythisparalogismpreservedintact,andthecommonmanisenabledtofeelthatthebusinessmeninthecommunityaddtotheaggregatewealthatleastasmuchastheyacquireatitleto;andthesuccessfulbusinessmenareatleastaswellpersuadedthatsuchistheirrelationtotheaggregatewealthandtothematerialwell-beingofthecommunityatlarge。Sothatboththebusinessmenwhosegainsaresoughttobeenhancedbybusinesspoliticsandthepopulacebywhosemeansthebusinessgainsaresecuredworktogetheringoodfaithtowardsawell-advisedbusinessend,-theaccumulationofwealthinthehandsofthosemenwhoareskilledinpecuniarymatters。13*

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