Studentsofsciencearewonttoinveighagainsttheinexactcharacterofhistoricalresearch，itsincoherenceandsupposedinabilitytoformulatelaws。Itwouldbeoutofplaceheretodiscussthecomparativevalueofmethodsandtheone-sidedpreferencegivenbysuchaccuserstoquantitativeanalysis；butI
thinkthatiftheseaccuserswerebetteracquaintedwiththesubjectoftheirattacks，orevenmoreattentivetotheexpressionsofmen’slifeandthoughtaroundthem，theywouldhardlydaretomaintainthatastudywhichintheshortspaceofacenturyhasledtoacompleterevolutioninthetreatmentofallquestionsconcerningmanandsociety，hasbeenoperatingonlybyvagueassumptionsandguessesatrandom。Aninvestigationintomethodscannotbeundertakenintheseintroductorypages，butageneralsurveyofresultsmaybeattempted。Ifwemerelytakeasinglevolume，Tocqueville’sAncienRegime，andaskourselveswhetheranythingatalllikeitcouldhavebeenproducedevenintheeighteenthcentury，weshallhaveasenseofwhathasbeengoingoninthelineofhistoricalstudyduringthenineteenth。
EversinceNiebuhr’sgreatstroke，historicalcriticismhasbeenpatientlyengagedintesting，sifting，andclassifyingtheoriginalmaterials，andithasnowrenderedimpossiblethatmedleyofdiscordantauthoritiesinwhicheighteenth-centurylearningfounditsconfusednotionsofRomansinFrenchcostume，orsoughtformodernconstitutionalideasasmanifestinthepolicyoftheFranks。Wholesubjectsandaspectsofsociallifewhich，iftreatedatall，usedtobesketchilytreatedinsomeappendixbythehistorian，orguessedatlikeapuzzlebytheantiquarian，havecometotheforeandarerecognisedasthereallyimportantpartsofhistory。Inaword，thestudyofthepastvacillatesnolongerbetweenthetwoextremesofminuteresearchleadingtonogeneralresultsandgeneralstatementsnotbasedonanyrealinvestigationintofacts。Thelawsofdevelopmentmaystillappearonlyasdimoutlineswhichmustbemoredefinitelytracedbyfuturegenerationsofworkers，butthereiscertainlyaconstantprogressofgeneralisationonfirmlyestablishedpremisestowardsthem。
Whatismorestriking，thegreatchangeinthewaysandresultsofhistoryhasmadeitselffeltonallthesubjectswhichsurroundit。Politicaleconomyandlawareassuminganentirelynewshapeundertheinfluenceofhistoricalconceptions：thetendencytowardsbuildingupdogmaticdoctrineonthefoundationofabstractprincipleandbydeductivemethodsisgivingwaytoanexactstudyoffactsintheirhistoricalsurroundings，andtoinquiriesintotheshiftingconditionsunderwhichtheproblemsofsocialeconomyandlawaresolvedbydifferentepochs。Asabrilliantrepresentativeoflegallearninghasironicallyputit，itwouldbebetterforonenowadaystobeconvictedofpettylarcenythantobefounddeficientof’historical-mindedness。’
Theinfluenceofhistoricalspeculationonpoliticsisyetmoredefiniteanddirect：eventhemostdevoteddisciplesofparticularcreeds，themostardentadvocatesofreformorreactiondarenotsimplytakeupthehighstandinggroundofabstracttheoryfromwhichallpoliticalquestionswerediscussedlessthanahundredyearsago：thesocialistaswellasthepartisanofaristocracyiscalledontomakegoodhiscontentionbyhistoricalarguments。
Itmaybeurgedthatthenewturnthustakenisnotaltogetherbeneficialforpracticallife。Menoffanaticalconvictionweremorelikelytoactanddiefortheeternaltruthrevealedtothem，thanpeoplereflectingontherelativecharacterofhumanarrangements。Butcanonegetblissfullyone-sidedbymerelywishingtobeso？Andisitnotnoblertoseekknowledgeinthehopethatitwillrightitselfintheend，thantorejectitforthesakeofbeingcomfortable？Howeverthismaybe，thefactscanhardlybedenied：theaspirationofourageisintenselyhistorical；wearedoingmorefortherelative，thanfortheabsolute，moreforthestudyofevolutionthanfortheelucidationofprincipleswhichdonotvary。
Itwillnotbemyobjecttogiveasketchofthegradualriseofhistoricalstudyinthepresentcentury：suchanundertakingmustbelefttolaterstudents，whowillcommandabroaderviewofthesubjectandlookatitwithlesspassionandprejudicethanwedonow。ButLordActon’sexcellentarticlehasshownthatthetaskisnotquitehopelessevennow，andImusttry，beforestartingonmyarduousinquiryintothesocialhistoryofthemiddleagesinEngland，topointoutwhatImakeoftheworkachievedinthisdirection，andwhatobjectIhaveinviewmyself。Quiteapartfromanyquestionsofdetailwhichmaycomeunderconsiderationasthetreatmentofthesubjectrequiresit，Ihavetosayinwhatperspectivethechiefschoolsofhistorianspresentthemselvestomyview，inwhatrelationtheystandtoeachother，toshowhowfartheyhavepushedtheinquiry，andwhatproblemsstillremainunsolved。Suchapreliminarysketchmustnotbecarriedoutwithaviewtocriticismandpolemics，butratherasthegeneralestimateofaliterarymovementinitsvariousphases。
Itisaremarkablefact，thatthevastimportanceofthesocialsideofhistoryhasbeenrecognisedlaterthananyotheraspectofthatstudy。Statingthingsverybroadly，onemaysaythatitwaspushedtotheforeaboutthemiddleofourcenturybytheinterestsandforcesatplayinactuallife：before1848thepoliticaltendencypredominates；after1848thetideturnsinfavourofthesocialtendency。ImeanthatinthefirsthalfofthecenturymenwerechieflyengagedinreorganisingtheState，intryingtostrikeabalancebetweentheinfluenceofgovernmentandthelibertiesofthepeople。Thesecondhalfofthecenturyisengrossedbytheconflictbetweenclasses，byquestionsofeconomicalorganisation，byreformsofcivilorder。Historicalliterature，growingasitwasintheatmosphereofactuallife，hadtostartfromitsinterests，toputandsolveitsproblemsinaccordancewiththem。Butitisnowonderthattheprecedingperiodhadalreadytoucheduponanumberofquestionsthatwerefatedtoattractmostattentioninlaterresearch。TheriseoftheConstitution，forinstance，couldnotbetreatedwithoutsomeregardbeingpaidtotherelativepositionofclasses；itwouldhavebeenoutofthequestiontospeakofpoliticalfeudalismwithouttakingintoaccountthesocialbearingofthesystem。Andsoasketchoftheliterarytreatmentofsocialquestionsmustbeginwithbookswhichdidnotaimdirectlyatadescriptionofsocialhistory。
Ishallnotdetainthereaderovertheworkachievedintheseventeenthandeighteenthcenturies。ThelearningofaSeldenorofaMadoxisastounding，andastudentofthepresentdayhastoconsultthemconstantlyonparticularquestions；buttheyneverhadinmindtoembracethehistoryoftheircountryasawhole。
FactsarebroughtintoasystembyCoke，butthesystemisstrictlyalegalone；undigestedhistoricalknowledgeismadetoyieldthenecessarystoreofleadingcases，and，quiteapartfromthenaiveperversionofmostparticulars，theentireviewofthesubjectisthoroughlyopposedtohistoricalrequirements，foritmakesthepastanillustrationofthepresent，andregardsitasplannedonthesamelines。Thereisnolackofbookssettingforthhistoricalproofforsomefavouritegeneralthesisorarrangingfactsaccordingtosomegeneralidea，butsuchattemptsweredistinguishedbyunboundedimaginationandbyendlesssacrificesoffacttotheobjectofthewriter’sdevotion。Thecuriousliteraryby-playtothestruggleofpoliticalpartywhichAug。ThierryhasartisticallyillustratedinFrancefromthewritingsofBoulainvilliersandDubos，MablyandLezardiere，couldcertainlybematchedinEnglandbyataleofthehistoricalargumentationofBrady，orPetyt，orGranvilleSharp。Nothingcanbemoreeloquentinasensethanthetitlegivenbythislastauthortohisbookonthesystemoffrankpledge：——“AnaccountoftheConstitutionalEnglishPolityofCongregationalCourts，andmoreparticularlyofthegreatannualcourtofthepeople，calledtheViewofFrankpledge，whereinthewholebodyoftheNationwasarrangedintotheregulardivisionsofTythings，Hundreds，etc。：——thehappyeffectofthatexcellentinstitution，inpreventingrobberies，riots，etc。，whereby，inlaw，itwasjustlydeemed’Summaetmaximasecuritas：’——thatitwouldbeequallybeneficialtoallothernationsandcountries，aswellundermonarchicalasrepublicanestablishments；andthat，totheEnglishNationinparticular，itwouldaffordaneffectualmeansofreformingthecorruptionofParliamentbyrenderingtherepresentationofthepeopleperfectlyequal，inexactnumericalproportiontothetotalnumberofhouseholdersthroughoutthewholerealm。”
Historicalresearch，inthetruesenseoftheword，wasindeedmakingitsfirstappearanceintheeighteenthcentury，anditwasmorefruitfulinEnglandthaninanyothercountry，becauseEnglandwassofaraheadoftheContinentinitspoliticalcondition：theinfluenceofanintelligentsocietyinpoliticalaffairshadforitscounterpartagreaterinsightintotheconditionsofpoliticaldevelopment。ButthegreatEnglishhistoriansoftheeighteenthcenturywerelookingtoproblemsinotherfieldsthanthatofsocialhistory。RobertsonwaspromptedbyaninterestintheoriginsofthatpeculiarcommunitycalledWesternEurope，sodistinctlydismemberedinitscomponentStatesandsocloselyunitedbyidealandmaterialties；Gibboncouldseetheshadowsoftheoldworldinwhichthenewworldwasliving；bothhadbeenattractedtoresearchbyanadmirablesenseofinfluencesdeeperandstrongerthannationality，orState，orclass，andbothremainedindifferenttothehumblerrangeofEnglishsocialhistory。HumetookhisstandonEngland，buthehadtobeginwithageneraloutlineandtheexplanationofthemoreapparentchangesinStateandChurch。
Inthiswaycurrentnotionsonourquestionsremainedtowardsthecloseoftheeighteenthcenturystillundisturbedbywritersofahighorder。WemaytakeasafairsampleofsuchcurrentnotionsSirWilliamBlackstone’shistoricaldigressions，especiallythoseinthesecondvolumeofhisCommentaries。Thereisnooriginalityaboutthem，andthelackofthisqualityisratheranadvantageinthiscase：itenablesusthroughonebooktoglanceatanentireliterature。Imaybeallowedtorecallitsmoststrikingpointstothemindofmyreaders。
Thekeytothewholemedievalsystemandtotheconstitutionemergingfromitistobefoundinfeudalism。’TheconstitutionoffeudshaditsoriginalfromthemilitarypolicyofthenorthernorCelticnations，theGoths，theHuns，theFranks，theVandals，andtheLombards，whopouredthemselvesintoalltheregionsofEurope，atthedeclensionoftheRomanEmpire。Itwasbroughtbythemfromtheirowncountries，andcontinuedintheirrespectivecoloniesasthemostlikelymeanstosecuretheirnewacquisitions，andtothatendlargedistrictsorparcelsoflandwereallottedbytheconqueringgeneraltotheSuperiorofficersofthearmy，andbythemdealtoutagaininsmallerparcelsorallotmentstotheinferiorofficersandmostdeservingsoldiers。’
’Scarcehadthesenorthernconquerorsestablishedthemselvesintheirnewdominions，whenthewisdomoftheirconstitutions，aswellastheirpersonalvalour，alarmedalltheprincesofEurope。
Whereforemost，ifnotall，ofthemthoughtitnecessarytoenterintothesameorasimilarplanofpolicy。Andthus，inthecompassofaveryfewyears，thefeudalconstitution，orthedoctrineoftenure，extendeditselfoverallthewesternworld。’
’Butthisfeudalpolity，whichwasthusbydegreesestablishedoveralltheContinentofEurope，seemsnottohavebeenreceivedinthispartofourisland，atleastnotuniversallyandasapartofournationalconstitution，tillthereignofWilliamtheNorman。Thisintroduction，however，ofthefeudaltenuresintoEnglandbyKingWilliamdoesnotseemtohavebeeneffectedimmediatelyaftertheConquest，norbythemerearbitrarywillandpoweroftheConqueror，buttohavebeengraduallyestablishedbytheNormanbarons，andafterwardsuniversallyconsentedtobythegreatCouncilofthenation。’
’ThenewpolitythereforeseemsnottohavebeenimposedbytheConqueror，butnationallyandfreelyadoptedbythegeneralassemblyofthewholerealm。’’Bythusconsentingtotheintroductionoffeudaltenures，ourEnglishancestorsprobablymeantnomorethantoputthekingdominastateofdefencebyestablishingamilitarysystem。Butwhatevertheirmeaningwas，theNormaninterpreters。gaveaverydifferentconstructiontothisproceeding，andthereupontookahandletointroduce，notonlytherigorousdoctrinewhichprevailedintheduchyofNormandy，butalsosuchfruitsanddependencies，suchhardshipsandservices，aswereneverknowntoothernations。’’Andfromhencearisestheinference，thatthelibertiesofEnglishmenarenotassomearbitrarywriterswouldrepresentthemmereinfringementsoftheking’sprerogative，butarestorationoftheancientconstitution，ofwhichourancestorshadbeendefraudedbytheartandfinesseoftheNormanlawyers，ratherthandeprivedbytheforceoftheNormanarms。’ThestructureofthecomponentpartsisforBlackstoneasancientastheconstitutionofthewhole。TheEnglishmanorisofSaxonorigininallitsessentialcharacteristics，butthetreatmentofthepeoplewithinthemanorunderwentaverynotablechangeinconsequenceoftheNormaninvasion。InSaxontimesthecommonpeoplesettledonfolklandwereimmersedincompleteslavery，TheirconditionwasimprovedbytheConquest，becausetheNormansadmittedthemtotheoathoffealty。Andtheimprovementdidnotstopthere：althoughthepeasantryheldtheirplotsonlybybasetenureandatthelord’swill，thelordallowedinmostcasesahereditarypossession。Inthiswayoutofthelord’swillcustomarose，andascustomisthesoulorvitalprincipleofcommonlaw，theCourtsundertookintheendtoprotectthebasetenureofthepeasantryagainsttheverylordwhosewillhadcreatedit。
Suchwastheriseofthecopyholdestateofmoderntimes。