第19章
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  InAmericatheattempthasneverbeenmade;forhowwouldsuchaninvestigationbepossibleinacountrywheresocietyhasnotyetsettledintohabitsofregularityandtranquillity;wherethenationalGovernmentisnotassistedbyamultipleofagentswhoseexertionsitcancommandanddirecttoonesoleend;andwherestatisticsarenotstudied,becausenooneisabletocollectthenecessarydocuments,ortofindtimetoperusethem?

  ThustheprimaryelementsofthecalculationswhichhavebeenmadeinFrancecannotbeobtainedintheUnion;therelativewealthofthetwocountriesisunknown;thepropertyoftheformerisnotaccuratelydetermined,andnomeansexistofcomputingthatofthelatter。

  Iconsent,therefore,forthesakeofthediscussion,toabandonthisnecessarytermofthecomparison,andIconfinemyselftoacomputationoftheactualamountoftaxation,withoutinvestigatingtherelationwhichsubsistsbetweenthetaxationandtherevenue。ButthereaderwillperceivethatmytaskhasnotbeenfacilitatedbythelimitswhichIherelaydownformyresearches。

  ItcannotbedoubtedthatthecentraladministrationofFrance,assistedbyallthepublicofficerswhoareatitsdisposal,mightdeterminewithexactitudetheamountofthedirectandindirecttaxeslevieduponthecitizens。Butthisinvestigation,whichnoprivateindividualcanundertake,hasnothithertobeencompletedbytheFrenchGovernment,or,atleast,itsresultshavenotbeenmadepublic。WeareacquaintedwiththesumtotalofthechargesoftheState;weknowtheamountofthedepartmentalexpenditure;buttheexpensesofthecommunaldivisionshavenotbeencomputed,andtheamountofthepublicexpensesofFranceisconsequentlyunknown。

  IfwenowturntoAmerica,weshallperceivethatthedifficultiesaremultipliedandenhanced。TheUnionpublishesanexactreturnoftheamountofitsexpenditure;thebudgetsofthefourandtwentyStatesfurnishsimilarreturnsoftheirrevenues;

  buttheexpensesincidenttotheaffairsofthecountiesandthetownshipsareunknown。*k[Footnotek:TheAmericans,aswehaveseen,havefourseparatebudgets,theUnion,theStates,theCounties,andtheTownshipshavingeachseverallytheirown。DuringmystayinAmericaI

  madeeveryendeavortodiscovertheamountofthepublicexpenditureinthetownshipsandcountiesoftheprincipalStatesoftheUnion,andIreadilyobtainedthebudgetofthelargertownships,butIfounditquiteimpossibletoprocurethatofthesmallerones。Ipossess,however,somedocumentsrelatingtocountyexpenses,which,althoughincomplete,arestillcurious。

  IhavetothankMr。Richards,MayorofPhiladelphia,forthebudgetsofthirteenofthecountiesofPennsylvania,viz。,Lebanon,Centre,Franklin,Fayette,Montgomery,Luzerne,Dauphin,Butler,Alleghany,Columbia,Northampton,Northumberland,andPhiladelphia,fortheyear1830。Theirpopulationatthattimeconsistedof495,207inhabitants。OnlookingatthemapofPennsylvania,itwillbeseenthatthesethirteencountiesarescatteredineverydirection,andsogenerallyaffectedbythecauseswhichusuallyinfluencetheconditionofacountry,thattheymayeasilybesupposedtofurnishacorrectaverageofthefinancialstateofthecountiesofPennsylvaniaingeneral;andthus,uponreckoningthattheexpensesofthesecountiesamountedintheyear1830toabout$361,650,ornearly75centsforeachinhabitant,andcalculatingthateachofthemcontributedinthesameyearabout$2。55towardstheUnion,andabout75centstotheStateofPennsylvania,itappearsthattheyeachcontributedastheirshareofallthepublicexpenses(exceptthoseofthetownships)thesumof$4。05。Thiscalculationisdoublyincomplete,asitappliesonlytoasingleyearandtoonepartofthepubliccharges;butithasatleastthemeritofnotbeingconjectural。]

  TheauthorityoftheFederalgovernmentcannotobligetheprovincialgovernmentstothrowanylightuponthispoint;andevenifthesegovernmentswereinclinedtoaffordtheirsimultaneousco—operation,itmaybedoubtedwhethertheypossessthemeansofprocuringasatisfactoryanswer。

  Independentlyofthenaturaldifficultiesofthetask,thepoliticalorganizationofthecountrywouldactasahindrancetothesuccessoftheirefforts。ThecountyandtownmagistratesarenotappointedbytheauthoritiesoftheState,andtheyarenotsubjectedtotheircontrol。Itisthereforeveryallowabletosupposethat,iftheStatewasdesirousofobtainingthereturnswhichwerequire,itsdesignwouldbecounteractedbytheneglectofthosesubordinateofficerswhomitwouldbeobligedtoemploy。*lItis,inpointoffact,uselesstoinquirewhattheAmericansmightdotoforwardthisinquiry,sinceitiscertainthattheyhavehithertodonenothingatall。Theredoesnotexistasingleindividualatthepresentday,inAmericaorinEurope,whocaninformuswhateachcitizenoftheUnionannuallycontributestothepublicchargesofthenation。*m[Footnotel:ThosewhohaveattemptedtodrawacomparisonbetweentheexpensesofFranceandAmericahaveatonceperceivedthatnosuchcomparisoncouldbedrawnbetweenthetotalexpenditureofthetwocountries;buttheyhaveendeavoredtocontrastdetachedportionsofthisexpenditure。Itmayreadilybeshownthatthissecondsystemisnotatalllessdefectivethanthefirst。IfIattempttocomparetheFrenchbudgetwiththebudgetoftheUnion,itmustberememberedthatthelatterembracesmuchfewerobjectsthanthencentralGovernmentoftheformercountry,andthattheexpendituremustconsequentlybemuchsmaller。IfIcontrastthebudgetsoftheDepartmentswiththoseoftheStateswhichconstitutetheUnion,itmustbeobservedthat,asthepowerandcontrolexercisedbytheStatesismuchgreaterthanthatwhichisexercisedbytheDepartments,theirexpenditureisalsomoreconsiderable。Asforthebudgetsofthecounties,nothingofthekindoccursintheFrenchsystemoffinances;anditis,again,doubtfulwhetherthecorrespondingexpensesshouldbereferredtothebudgetoftheStateortothoseofthemunicipaldivisions。Municipalexpensesexistinbothcountries,buttheyarenotalwaysanalogous。InAmericathetownshipsdischargeavarietyofofficeswhicharereservedinFrancetotheDepartmentsortotheState。Itmay,moreover,beaskedwhatistobeunderstoodbythemunicipalexpensesofAmerica。TheorganizationofthemunicipalbodiesortownshipsdiffersintheseveralStates。ArewetobeguidedbywhatoccursinNewEnglandorinGeorgia,inPennsylvaniaorintheStateofIllinois?Akindofanalogymayveryreadilybeperceivedbetweencertainbudgetsinthetwocountries;butastheelementsofwhichtheyarecomposedalwaysdiffermoreorless,nofaircomparisoncanbeinstitutedbetweenthem。[Thesamedifficultyexists,perhapstoagreaterdegreeatthepresenttime,whenthetaxationofAmericahaslargelyincreased。

  —1874。]]

  [Footnotem:EvenifweknewtheexactpecuniarycontributionsofeveryFrenchandAmericancitizentothecoffersoftheState,weshouldonlycomeataportionofthetruth。Governmentsdonotonlydemandsuppliesofmoney,buttheycallforpersonalservices,whichmaybelookeduponasequivalenttoagivensum。

  WhenaStateraisesanarmy,besidesthepayofthetroops,whichisfurnishedbytheentirenation,eachsoldiermustgiveuphistime,thevalueofwhichdependsontheusehemightmakeofitifhewerenotintheservice。Thesameremarkappliestothemilitia;thecitizenwhoisinthemilitiadevotesacertainportionofvaluabletimetothemaintenanceofthepublicpeace,andhedoesinrealitysurrendertotheStatethoseearningswhichheispreventedfromgaining。Manyotherinstancesmightbecitedinadditiontothese。ThegovernmentsofFranceandofAmericabothlevytaxesofthiskind,whichweighuponthecitizens;butwhocanestimatewithaccuracytheirrelativeamountinthetwocountries?

  This,however,isnotthelastofthedifficultieswhichpreventusfromcomparingtheexpenditureoftheUnionwiththatofFrance。TheFrenchGovernmentcontractscertainobligationswhichdonotexistinAmerica,andviceversa。TheFrenchGovernmentpaystheclergy;inAmericathevoluntaryprincipleprevails。InAmericathereisalegalprovisionforthepoor;inFrancetheyareabandonedtothecharityofthepublic。TheFrenchpublicofficersarepaidbyafixedsalary;inAmericatheyareallowedcertainperquisites。InFrancecontributionsinkindtakeplaceonveryfewroads;inAmericauponalmostallthethoroughfares:intheformercountrytheroadsarefreetoalltravellers;inthelatterturnpikesabound。Allthesedifferencesinthemannerinwhichcontributionsareleviedinthetwocountriesenhancethedifficultyofcomparingtheirexpenditure;fortherearecertainexpenseswhichthecitizenswouldnotbesubjectto,orwhichwouldatanyratebemuchlessconsiderable,iftheStatedidnottakeuponitselftoactinthenameofthepublic。]

  HencewemustconcludethatitisnolessdifficulttocomparethesocialexpenditurethanitistoestimatetherelativewealthofFranceandAmerica。Iwillevenaddthatitwouldbedangeroustoattemptthiscomparison;forwhenstatisticsarenotbaseduponcomputationswhicharestrictlyaccurate,theymisleadinsteadofguidingaright。Themindiseasilyimposeduponbythefalseaffectationofexactness,whichprevailseveninthemisstatementsofscience,anditadoptswithconfidenceerrorswhicharedressedintheformsofmathematicaltruth。

  Weabandon,therefore,ournumericalinvestigation,withthehopeofmeetingwithdataofanotherkind。Intheabsenceofpositivedocuments,wemayformanopinionastotheproportionwhichthetaxationofapeoplebearstoitsrealprosperity,byobservingwhetheritsexternalappearanceisflourishing;

  whether,afterhavingdischargedthecallsoftheState,thepoormanretainsthemeansofsubsistence,andtherichthemeansofenjoyment;andwhetherbothclassesarecontentedwiththeirposition,seeking,however,toameliorateitbyperpetualexertions,sothatindustryisneverinwantofcapital,norcapitalunemployedbyindustry。Theobserverwhodrawshisinferencesfromthesesignswill,undoubtedly,beledtotheconclusionthattheAmericanoftheUnitedStatescontributesamuchsmallerportionofhisincometotheStatethanthecitizenofFrance。Nor,indeed,cantheresultbeotherwise。

  AportionoftheFrenchdebtistheconsequenceoftwosuccessiveinvasions;andtheUnionhasnosimilarcalamitytofear。AnationplaceduponthecontinentofEuropeisobligedtomaintainalargestandingarmy;theisolatedpositionoftheUnionenablesittohaveonly6,000soldiers。TheFrenchhaveafleetof300sail;theAmericanshave52vessels。*nHow,then,cantheinhabitantsoftheUnionbecalledupontocontributeaslargelyastheinhabitantsofFrance?Noparallelcanbedrawnbetweenthefinancesoftwocountriessodifferentlysituated。

  [Footnoten:SeethedetailsintheBudgetoftheFrenchMinisterofMarine;andforAmerica,theNationalCalendarof1833,p。

  228。[ButthepublicdebtoftheUnitedStatesin1870,causedbytheCivilWar,amountedto$2,480,672,427;thatofFrancewasmorethandoubledbytheextravaganceoftheSecondEmpireandbythewarof1870。]]

  ItisbyexaminingwhatactuallytakesplaceintheUnion,andnotbycomparingtheUnionwithFrance,thatwemaydiscoverwhethertheAmericanGovernmentisreallyeconomical。Oncastingmyeyesoverthedifferentrepublicswhichformtheconfederation,IperceivethattheirGovernmentslackperseveranceintheirundertakings,andthattheyexercisenosteadycontroloverthemenwhomtheyemploy。WhenceInaturallyinferthattheymustoftenspendthemoneyofthepeopletonopurpose,orconsumemoreofitthanisreallynecessarytotheirundertakings。Greateffortsaremade,inaccordancewiththedemocraticoriginofsociety,tosatisfytheexigenciesofthelowerorders,toopenthecareerofpowertotheirendeavors,andtodiffuseknowledgeandcomfortamongstthem。Thepooraremaintained,immensesumsareannuallydevotedtopublicinstruction,allserviceswhatsoeverareremunerated,andthemostsubordinateagentsareliberallypaid。Ifthiskindofgovernmentappearstometobeusefulandrational,Iamneverthelessconstrainedtoadmitthatitisexpensive。

  Whereverthepoordirectpublicaffairsanddisposeofthenationalresources,itappearscertainthat,astheyprofitbytheexpenditureoftheState,theyareapttoaugmentthatexpenditure。

  Iconclude,therefore,withouthavingrecoursetoinaccuratecomputations,andwithouthazardingacomparisonwhichmightproveincorrect,thatthedemocraticgovernmentoftheAmericansisnotacheapgovernment,asissometimesasserted;andIhavenohesitationinpredictingthat,ifthepeopleoftheUnitedStatesiseverinvolvedinseriousdifficulties,itstaxationwillspeedilybeincreasedtotherateofthatwhichprevailsinthegreaterpartofthearistocraciesandthemonarchiesofEurope。*o[Footnoteo:[Thatispreciselywhathassinceoccurred。]]

  ChapterXIII:GovernmentOfTheDemocracyInAmerica—PartIII

  CorruptionAndVicesOfTheRulersInADemocracy,AndConsequentEffectsUponPublicMoralityInaristocraciesrulerssometimesendeavortocorruptthepeople—Indemocraciesrulersfrequentlyshowthemselvestobecorrupt—Intheformertheirvicesaredirectlyprejudicialtothemoralityofthepeople—Inthelattertheirindirectinfluenceisstillmorepernicious。

  Adistinctionmustbemade,whenthearistocraticandthedemocraticprinciplesmutuallyinveighagainsteachother,astendingtofacilitatecorruption。Inaristocraticgovernmentstheindividualswhoareplacedattheheadofaffairsarerichmen,whoaresolelydesirousofpower。Indemocraciesstatesmenarepoor,andtheyhavetheirfortunestomake。TheconsequenceisthatinaristocraticStatestherulersarerarelyaccessibletocorruption,andhaveverylittlecravingformoney;whilstthereverseisthecaseindemocraticnations。

  Butinaristocracies,asthosewhoaredesirousofarrivingattheheadofaffairsarepossessedofconsiderablewealth,andasthenumberofpersonsbywhoseassistancetheymayriseiscomparativelysmall,thegovernmentis,ifImayusetheexpression,putuptoasortofauction。Indemocracies,onthecontrary,thosewhoarecovetousofpowerareveryseldomwealthy,andthenumberofcitizenswhoconferthatpowerisextremelygreat。Perhapsindemocraciesthenumberofmenwhomightbeboughtisbynomeanssmaller,butbuyersarerarelytobemetwith;and,besides,itwouldbenecessarytobuysomanypersonsatoncethattheattemptisrenderednugatory。

  ManyofthemenwhohavebeenintheadministrationinFranceduringthelastfortyyearshavebeenaccusedofmakingtheirfortunesattheexpenseoftheStateorofitsallies;areproachwhichwasrarelyaddressedtothepubliccharactersoftheancientmonarchy。ButinFrancethepracticeofbribingelectorsisalmostunknown,whilstitisnotoriouslyandpubliclycarriedoninEngland。IntheUnitedStatesIneverheardamanaccusedofspendinghiswealthincorruptingthepopulace;butI

  haveoftenheardtheprobityofpublicofficersquestioned;stillmorefrequentlyhaveIheardtheirsuccessattributedtolowintriguesandimmoralpractices。

  If,then,themenwhoconductthegovernmentofanaristocracysometimesendeavortocorruptthepeople,theheadsofademocracyarethemselvescorrupt。Intheformercasethemoralityofthepeopleisdirectlyassailed;inthelatteranindirectinfluenceisexerciseduponthepeoplewhichisstillmoretobedreaded。

  Astherulersofdemocraticnationsarealmostalwaysexposedtothesuspicionofdishonorableconduct,theyinsomemeasurelendtheauthorityoftheGovernmenttothebasepracticesofwhichtheyareaccused。Theythusaffordanexamplewhichmustprovediscouragingtothestrugglesofvirtuousindependence,andmustfosterthesecretcalculationsofaviciousambition。Ifitbeassertedthatevilpassionsaredisplayedinallranksofsociety,thattheyascendthethronebyhereditaryright,andthatdespicablecharactersaretobemetwithattheheadofaristocraticnationsaswellasinthesphereofademocracy,thisobjectionhasbutlittleweightinmyestimation。Thecorruptionofmenwhohavecasuallyrisentopowerhasacoarseandvulgarinfectioninitwhichrendersitcontagioustothemultitude。Onthecontrary,thereisakindofaristocraticrefinementandanairofgrandeurinthedepravityofthegreat,whichfrequentlypreventitfromspreadingabroad。

  Thepeoplecanneverpenetrateintotheperplexinglabyrinthofcourtintrigue,anditwillalwayshavedifficultyindetectingtheturpitudewhichlurksunderelegantmanners,refinedtastes,andgracefullanguage。Buttopillagethepublicpurse,andtovendthefavorsoftheState,areartswhichthemeanestvillainmaycomprehend,andhopetopracticeinhisturn。

  Inrealityitisfarlessprejudicialtowitnesstheimmoralityofthegreatthantowitnessthatimmoralitywhichleadstogreatness。Inademocracyprivatecitizensseeamanoftheirownrankinlife,whorisesfromthatobscureposition,andwhobecomespossessedofrichesandofpowerinafewyears;thespectacleexcitestheirsurpriseandtheirenvy,andtheyareledtoinquirehowthepersonwhowasyesterdaytheirequalisto—daytheirruler。Toattributehisrisetohistalentsorhisvirtuesisunpleasant;foritistacitlytoacknowledgethattheyarethemselveslessvirtuousandlesstalentedthanhewas。Theyarethereforeled(andnotunfrequentlytheirconjectureisacorrectone)toimputehissuccessmainlytosomeoneofhisdefects;andanodiousmixtureisthusformedoftheideasofturpitudeandpower,unworthinessandsuccess,utilityanddishonor。

  EffortsOfWhichADemocracyIsCapableTheUnionhasonlyhadonestrugglehithertoforitsexistence—

  Enthusiasmatthecommencementofthewar—Indifferencetowardsitsclose—DifficultyofestablishingmilitaryconscriptionorimpressmentofseameninAmerica—Whyademocraticpeopleislesscapableofsustainedeffortthananother。

  IherewarnthereaderthatIspeakofagovernmentwhichimplicitlyfollowstherealdesiresofapeople,andnotofagovernmentwhichsimplycommandsinitsname。Nothingissoirresistibleasatyrannicalpowercommandinginthenameofthepeople,because,whilstitexercisesthatmoralinfluencewhichbelongstothedecisionofthemajority,itactsatthesametimewiththepromptitudeandthetenacityofasingleman。

  Itisdifficulttosaywhatdegreeofexertionademocraticgovernmentmaybecapableofmakingacrisisinthehistoryofthenation。Butnogreatdemocraticrepublichashithertoexistedintheworld。TostyletheoligarchywhichruledoverFrancein1793bythatnamewouldbetoofferaninsulttotherepublicanformofgovernment。TheUnitedStatesaffordthefirstexampleofthekind。

  TheAmericanUnionhasnowsubsistedforhalfacentury,inthecourseofwhichtimeitsexistencehasonlyoncebeenattacked,namely,duringtheWarofIndependence。Atthecommencementofthatlongwar,variousoccurrencestookplacewhichbetokenedanextraordinaryzealfortheserviceofthecountry。*pButasthecontestwasprolonged,symptomsofprivateegotismbegantoshowthemselves。Nomoneywaspouredintothepublictreasury;fewrecruitscouldberaisedtojointhearmy;

  thepeoplewishedtoacquireindependence,butwasveryill—disposedtoundergotheprivationsbywhichaloneitcouldbeobtained。\"Taxlaws,\"saysHamiltoninthe\"Federalist\"(No。

  12),\"haveinvainbeenmultiplied;newmethodstoenforcethecollectionhaveinvainbeentried;thepublicexpectationhasbeenuniformlydisappointedandthetreasuriesoftheStateshaveremainedempty。Thepopularsystemofadministrationinherentinthenatureofpopulargovernment,coincidingwiththerealscarcityofmoneyincidenttoalanguidandmutilatedstateoftrade,hashithertodefeatedeveryexperimentforextensivecollections,andhasatlengthtaughtthedifferentlegislaturesthefollyofattemptingthem。\"

  [Footnotep:OneofthemostsingularoftheseoccurrenceswastheresolutionwhichtheAmericanstookoftemporarilyabandoningtheuseoftea。Thosewhoknowthatmenusuallyclingmoretotheirhabitsthantotheirlifewilldoubtlessadmirethisgreatthoughobscuresacrificewhichwasmadebyawholepeople。]

  TheUnitedStateshavenothadanyseriouswartocarryoneversincethatperiod。Inorder,therefore,toappreciatethesacrificeswhichdemocraticnationsmayimposeuponthemselves,wemustwaituntiltheAmericanpeopleisobligedtoputhalfitsentireincomeatthedisposaloftheGovernment,aswasdonebytheEnglish;oruntilitsendsforthatwentiethpartofitspopulationtothefieldofbattle,aswasdonebyFrance。*q[Footnoteq:[TheCivilWarshowedthatwhenthenecessityarosetheAmericanpeople,bothintheNorthandintheSouth,arecapableofmakingthemostenormoussacrifices,bothinmoneyandinmen。]]

  InAmericatheuseofconscriptionisunknown,andmenareinducedtoenlistbybounties。ThenotionsandhabitsofthepeopleoftheUnitedStatesaresoopposedtocompulsoryenlistmentthatIdonotimagineitcaneverbesanctionedbythelaws。WhatistermedtheconscriptioninFranceisassuredlytheheaviesttaxuponthepopulationofthatcountry;yethowcouldagreatcontinentalwarbecarriedonwithoutit?TheAmericanshavenotadoptedtheBritishimpressmentofseamen,andtheyhavenothingwhichcorrespondstotheFrenchsystemofmaritimeconscription;thenavy,aswellasthemerchantservice,issuppliedbyvoluntaryservice。Butitisnoteasytoconceivehowapeoplecansustainagreatmaritimewarwithouthavingrecoursetooneortheotherofthesetwosystems。Indeed,theUnion,whichhasfoughtwithsomehonorupontheseas,hasneverpossessedaverynumerousfleet,andtheequipmentofthesmallnumberofAmericanvesselshasalwaysbeenexcessivelyexpensive。

  IhaveheardAmericanstatesmenconfessthattheUnionwillhavegreatdifficultyinmaintainingitsrankontheseaswithoutadoptingthesystemofimpressmentorofmaritimeconscription;

  butthedifficultyistoinducethepeople,whichexercisesthesupremeauthority,tosubmittoimpressmentoranycompulsorysystem。

  Itisincontestablethatintimesofdangerafreepeopledisplaysfarmoreenergythanonewhichisnotso。ButIinclinetobelievethatthisismoreespeciallythecaseinthosefreenationsinwhichthedemocraticelementpreponderates。Democracyappearstometobemuchbetteradaptedforthepeacefulconductofsociety,orforanoccasionaleffortofremarkablevigor,thanforthehardyandprolongedenduranceofthestormswhichbesetthepoliticalexistenceofnations。Thereasonisveryevident;

  itisenthusiasmwhichpromptsmentoexposethemselvestodangersandprivations,buttheywillnotsupportthemlongwithoutreflection。Thereismorecalculation,evenintheimpulsesofbravery,thanisgenerallyattributedtothem;andalthoughthefirsteffortsaresuggestedbypassion,perseveranceismaintainedbyadistinctregardofthepurposeinview。A

  portionofwhatwevalueisexposed,inordertosavetheremainder。

  Butitisthisdistinctperceptionofthefuture,foundeduponasoundjudgmentandanenlightenedexperience,whichismostfrequentlywantingindemocracies。Thepopulaceismoreapttofeelthantoreason;andifitspresentsufferingsaregreat,itistobefearedthatthestillgreatersufferingsattendantupondefeatwillbeforgotten。

  Anothercausetendstorendertheeffortsofademocraticgovernmentlessperseveringthanthoseofanaristocracy。Notonlyarethelowerclasseslessawakenedthanthehigherorderstothegoodorevilchancesofthefuture,buttheyareliabletosufferfarmoreacutelyfrompresentprivations。Thenobleexposeshislife,indeed,butthechanceofgloryisequaltothechanceofharm。IfhesacrificesalargeportionofhisincometotheState,hedepriveshimselfforatimeofthepleasuresofaffluence;buttothepoormandeathisembellishedbynopomporrenown,andtheimpostswhichareirksometothericharefataltohim。

  Thisrelativeimpotenceofdemocraticrepublicsis,perhaps,thegreatestobstacletothefoundationofarepublicofthiskindinEurope。InorderthatsuchaStateshouldsubsistinonecountryoftheOldWorld,itwouldbenecessarythatsimilarinstitutionsshouldbeintroducedintoalltheothernations。

  Iamofopinionthatademocraticgovernmenttendsintheendtoincreasetherealstrengthofsociety;butitcannevercombine,uponasinglepointandatagiventime,somuchpowerasanaristocracyoramonarchy。Ifademocraticcountryremainedduringawholecenturysubjecttoarepublicangovernment,itwouldprobablyattheendofthatperiodbemorepopulousandmoreprosperousthantheneighboringdespoticStates。Butitwouldhaveincurredtheriskofbeingconqueredmuchoftenerthantheywouldinthatlapseofyears。

  Self—ControlOfTheAmericanDemocracyTheAmericanpeopleacquiescesslowly,orfrequentlydoesnotacquiesce,inwhatisbeneficialtoitsinterests—ThefaultsoftheAmericandemocracyareforthemostpartreparable。

  Thedifficultywhichademocracyhasinconqueringthepassionsandinsubduingtheexigenciesofthemoment,withaviewtothefuture,isconspicuousinthemosttrivialoccurrencesoftheUnitedStates。Thepeople,whichissurroundedbyflatterers,hasgreatdifficultyinsurmountingitsinclinations,andwheneveritissolicitedtoundergoaprivationoranykindofinconvenience,eventoattainanendwhichissanctionedbyitsownrationalconviction,italmostalwaysrefusestocomplyatfirst。ThedeferenceoftheAmericanstothelawshasbeenveryjustlyapplauded;butitmustbeaddedthatinAmericathelegislationismadebythepeopleandforthepeople。Consequently,intheUnitedStatesthelawfavorsthoseclasseswhicharemostinterestedinevadingitelsewhere。Itmaythereforebesupposedthatanoffensivelaw,whichshouldnotbeacknowledgedtobeoneofimmediateutility,wouldeithernotbeenactedorwouldnotbeobeyed。

  InAmericathereisnolawagainstfraudulentbankruptcies;

  notbecausetheyarefew,butbecausethereareagreatnumberofbankruptcies。Thedreadofbeingprosecutedasabankruptactswithmoreintensityuponthemindofthemajorityofthepeoplethanthefearofbeinginvolvedinlossesorruinbythefailureofotherparties,andasortofguiltytoleranceisextendedbythepublicconsciencetoanoffencewhicheveryonecondemnsinhisindividualcapacity。InthenewStatesoftheSouthwestthecitizensgenerallytakejusticeintotheirownhands,andmurdersareofveryfrequentoccurrence。Thisarisesfromtherudemannersandtheignoranceoftheinhabitantsofthosedeserts,whodonotperceivetheutilityofinvestingthelawwithadequateforce,andwhopreferduelstoprosecutions。

  Someoneobservedtomeoneday,inPhiladelphia,thatalmostallcrimesinAmericaarecausedbytheabuseofintoxicatingliquors,whichthelowerclassescanprocureingreatabundance,fromtheirexcessivecheapness。\"Howcomesit,\"saidI,\"thatyoudonotputadutyuponbrandy?\"\"Ourlegislators,\"rejoinedmyinformant,\"havefrequentlythoughtofthisexpedient;butthetaskofputtingitinoperationisadifficultone;arevoltmightbeapprehended,andthememberswhoshouldvoteforalawofthiskindwouldbesureoflosingtheirseats。\"\"WhenceIamtoinfer,\"repliedI,\"thatthedrinkingpopulationconstitutesthemajorityinyourcountry,andthattemperanceissomewhatunpopular。\"

  WhenthesethingsarepointedouttotheAmericanstatesmen,theycontentthemselveswithassuringyouthattimewilloperatethenecessarychange,andthattheexperienceofevilwillteachthepeopleitstrueinterests。Thisisfrequentlytrue,althoughademocracyismoreliabletoerrorthanamonarchorabodyofnobles;thechancesofitsregainingtherightpathwhenonceithasacknowledgeditsmistake,aregreateralso;becauseitisrarelyembarrassedbyinternalinterests,whichconflictwiththoseofthemajority,andresisttheauthorityofreason。Butademocracycanonlyobtaintruthastheresultofexperience,andmanynationsmayforfeittheirexistencewhilsttheyareawaitingtheconsequencesoftheirerrors。

  ThegreatprivilegeoftheAmericansdoesnotsimplyconsistintheirbeingmoreenlightenedthanothernations,butintheirbeingabletorepairthefaultstheymaycommit。Towhichitmustbeadded,thatademocracycannotderivesubstantialbenefitfrompastexperience,unlessitbearrivedatacertainpitchofknowledgeandcivilization。Therearetribesandpeopleswhoseeducationhasbeensovicious,andwhosecharacterpresentssostrangeamixtureofpassion,ofignorance,andoferroneousnotionsuponallsubjects,thattheyareunabletodiscernthecausesoftheirownwretchedness,andtheyfallasacrificetoillswithwhichtheyareunacquainted。

  IhavecrossedvasttractsofcountrythatwereformerlyinhabitedbypowerfulIndiannationswhicharenowextinct;I

  havemyselfpassedsometimeinthemidstofmutilatedtribes,whichwitnessthedailydeclineoftheirnumericalstrengthandofthegloryoftheirindependence;andIhaveheardtheseIndiansthemselvesanticipatetheimpendingdoomoftheirrace。

  EveryEuropeancanperceivemeanswhichwouldrescuetheseunfortunatebeingsfrominevitabledestruction。Theyaloneareinsensibletotheexpedient;theyfeelthewoewhichyearafteryearheapsupontheirheads,buttheywillperishtoamanwithoutacceptingtheremedy。Itwouldbenecessarytoemployforcetoinducethemtosubmittotheprotectionandtheconstraintofcivilization。

  TheincessantrevolutionswhichhaveconvulsedtheSouthAmericanprovincesforthelastquarterofacenturyhavefrequentlybeenadvertedtowithastonishment,andexpectationshavebeenexpressedthatthosenationswouldspeedilyreturntotheirnaturalstate。ButcanitbeaffirmedthattheturmoilofrevolutionisnotactuallythemostnaturalstateoftheSouthAmericanSpaniardsatthepresenttime?Inthatcountrysocietyisplungedintodifficultiesfromwhichallitseffortsareinsufficienttorescueit。TheinhabitantsofthatfairportionoftheWesternHemisphereseemobstinatelybentonpursuingtheworkofinwardhavoc。Iftheyfallintoamomentaryreposefromtheeffectsofexhaustion,thatreposepreparesthemforafreshstateoffrenzy。WhenIconsidertheircondition,whichalternatesbetweenmiseryandcrime,Ishouldbeinclinedtobelievethatdespotismitselfwouldbeabenefittothem,ifitwerepossiblethatthewordsdespotismandbenefitcouldeverbeunitedinmymind。

  ConductOfForeignAffairsByTheAmericanDemocracyDirectiongiventotheforeignpolicyoftheUnitedStatesbyWashingtonandJefferson—Almostallthedefectsinherentindemocraticinstitutionsarebroughttolightintheconductofforeignaffairs—Theiradvantagesarelessperceptible。

  WehaveseenthattheFederalConstitutionentruststhepermanentdirectionoftheexternalinterestsofthenationtothePresidentandtheSenate,*rwhichtendsinsomedegreetodetachthegeneralforeignpolicyoftheUnionfromthecontrolofthepeople。ItcannotthereforebeassertedwithtruththattheexternalaffairsofStateareconductedbythedemocracy。

  [Footnoter:\"ThePresident,\"saystheConstitution,Art。II,sect。2,Section2,\"shallhavepower,byandwiththeadviceandconsentoftheSenate,tomaketreaties,providedtwo—thirdsofthesenatorspresentconcur。\"Thereaderisremindedthatthesenatorsarereturnedforatermofsixyears,andthattheyarechosenbythelegislatureofeachState。]

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