ChapterXI:LibertyOfThePressInTheUnitedStatesChapterSummaryDifficultyofrestrainingthelibertyofthepress—Particularreasonswhichsomenationshavetocherishthisliberty—ThelibertyofthepressanecessaryconsequenceofthesovereigntyofthepeopleasitisunderstoodinAmerica—ViolentlanguageoftheperiodicalpressintheUnitedStates—Propensitiesoftheperiodicalpress—IllustratedbytheUnitedStates—OpinionoftheAmericansupontherepressionoftheabuseofthelibertyofthepressbyjudicialprosecutions—ReasonsforwhichthepressislesspowerfulinAmericathaninFrance。
LibertyOfThePressInTheUnitedStatesTheinfluenceofthelibertyofthepressdoesnotaffectpoliticalopinionsalone，butitextendstoalltheopinionsofmen，anditmodifiescustomsaswellaslaws。InanotherpartofthisworkIshallattempttodeterminatethedegreeofinfluencewhichthelibertyofthepresshasexerciseduponcivilsocietyintheUnitedStates，andtopointoutthedirectionwhichithasgiventotheideas，aswellasthetonewhichithasimpartedtothecharacterandthefeelings，oftheAnglo—Americans，butatpresentIpurposesimplytoexaminetheeffectsproducedbythelibertyofthepressinthepoliticalworld。
IconfessthatIdonotentertainthatfirmandcompleteattachmenttothelibertyofthepresswhichthingsthataresupremelygoodintheirverynaturearewonttoexciteinthemind;andIapproveofitmorefromarecollectionoftheevilsitpreventsthanfromaconsiderationoftheadvantagesitensures。
Ifanyonecouldpointoutanintermediateandyetatenablepositionbetweenthecompleteindependenceandtheentiresubjectionofthepublicexpressionofopinion，Ishouldperhapsbeinclinedtoadoptit;butthedifficultyistodiscoverthisposition。Ifitisyourintentiontocorrecttheabusesofunlicensedprintingandtorestoretheuseoforderlylanguage，youmayinthefirstinstancetrytheoffenderbyajury;butifthejuryacquitshim，theopinionwhichwasthatofasingleindividualbecomestheopinionofthecountryatlarge。Toomuchandtoolittlehasthereforehithertobeendone。Ifyouproceed，youmustbringthedelinquentbeforeacourtofpermanentjudges。
Butevenherethecausemustbeheardbeforeitcanbedecided;
andtheveryprincipleswhichnobookwouldhaveventuredtoavowareblazonedforthinthepleadings，andwhatwasobscurelyhintedatinasinglecompositionisthenrepeatedinamultitudeofotherpublications。Thelanguageinwhichathoughtisembodiedisthemerecarcassofthethought，andnottheideaitself;tribunalsmaycondemntheform，butthesenseandspiritoftheworkistoosubtlefortheirauthority。Toomuchhasstillbeendonetorecede，toolittletoattainyourend;youmustthereforeproceed。Ifyouestablishacensorshipofthepress，thetongueofthepublicspeakerwillstillmakeitselfheard，andyouhaveonlyincreasedthemischief。Thepowersofthoughtdonotrely，likethepowersofphysicalstrength，uponthenumberoftheirmechanicalagents，norcanahostofauthorsbereckonedlikethetroopswhichcomposeanarmy;onthecontrary，theauthorityofaprincipleisoftenincreasedbythesmallnessofthenumberofmenbywhomitisexpressed。Thewordsofastrong—mindedman，whichpenetrateamidstthepassionsofalisteningassembly，havemorepowerthanthevociferationsofathousandorators;andifitbeallowedtospeakfreelyinanypublicplace，theconsequenceisthesameasiffreespeakingwasallowedineveryvillage。Thelibertyofdiscoursemustthereforebedestroyedaswellasthelibertyofthepress;thisisthenecessarytermofyourefforts;butifyourobjectwastorepresstheabusesofliberty，theyhavebroughtyoutothefeetofadespot。Youhavebeenledfromtheextremeofindependencetotheextremeofsubjectionwithoutmeetingwithasingletenablepositionforshelterorrepose。
Therearecertainnationswhichhavepeculiarreasonsforcherishingthelibertyofthepress，independentlyofthegeneralmotiveswhichIhavejustpointedout。ForincertaincountrieswhichprofesstoenjoytheprivilegesoffreedomeveryindividualagentoftheGovernmentmayviolatethelawswithimpunity，sincethosewhomheoppressescannotprosecutehimbeforethecourtsofjustice。Inthiscasethelibertyofthepressisnotmerelyaguarantee，butitistheonlyguarantee，oftheirlibertyandtheirsecuritywhichthecitizenspossess。Iftherulersofthesenationsproposetoabolishtheindependenceofthepress，thepeoplewouldbejustifiedinsaying:Giveustherightofprosecutingyouroffencesbeforetheordinarytribunals，andperhapswemaythenwaiveourrightofappealtothetribunalofpublicopinion。
Butinthecountriesinwhichthedoctrineofthesovereigntyofthepeopleostensiblyprevails，thecensorshipofthepressisnotonlydangerous，butitisabsurd。Whentherightofeverycitizentoco—operateinthegovernmentofsocietyisacknowledged，everycitizenmustbepresumedtopossessthepowerofdiscriminatingbetweenthedifferentopinionsofhiscontemporaries，andofappreciatingthedifferentfactsfromwhichinferencesmaybedrawn。Thesovereigntyofthepeopleandthelibertyofthepressmaythereforebelookeduponascorrelativeinstitutions;justasthecensorshipofthepressanduniversalsuffragearetwothingswhichareirreconcilablyopposed，andwhichcannotlongberetainedamongtheinstitutionsofthesamepeople。NotasingleindividualofthetwelvemillionswhoinhabittheterritoryoftheUnitedStateshasasyetdaredtoproposeanyrestrictionstothelibertyofthepress。ThefirstnewspaperoverwhichIcastmyeyes，uponmyarrivalinAmerica，containedthefollowingarticle:
InallthisaffairthelanguageofJacksonhasbeenthatofaheartlessdespot，solelyoccupiedwiththepreservationofhisownauthority。Ambitionishiscrime，anditwillbehispunishmenttoo:intrigueishisnativeelement，andintriguewillconfoundhistricks，andwilldeprivehimofhispower:
hegovernsbymeansofcorruption，andhisimmoralpracticeswillredoundtohisshameandconfusion。Hisconductinthepoliticalarenahasbeenthatofashamelessandlawlessgamester。Hesucceededatthetime，butthehourofretributionapproaches，andhewillbeobligedtodisgorgehiswinnings，tothrowasidehisfalsedice，andtoendhisdaysinsomeretirement，wherehemaycursehismadnessathisleisure;forrepentanceisavirtuewithwhichhisheartislikelytoremainforeverunacquainted。
ItisnotuncommonlyimaginedinFrancethatthevirulenceofthepressoriginatesintheuncertainsocialcondition，inthepoliticalexcitement，andthegeneralsenseofconsequentevilwhichprevailinthatcountry;anditisthereforesupposedthatassoonassocietyhasresumedacertaindegreeofcomposurethepresswillabandonitspresentvehemence。Iaminclinedtothinkthattheabovecausesexplainthereasonoftheextraordinaryascendencyithasacquiredoverthenation，butthattheydonotexercisemuchinfluenceuponthetoneofitslanguage。Theperiodicalpressappearstometobeactuatedbypassionsandpropensitiesindependentofthecircumstancesinwhichitisplaced，andthepresentpositionofAmericacorroboratesthisopinion。
Americaisperhaps，atthismoment，thecountryofthewholeworldwhichcontainsthefewestgermsofrevolution;butthepressisnotlessdestructiveinitsprinciplesthaninFrance，anditdisplaysthesameviolencewithoutthesamereasonsforindignation。InAmerica，asinFrance，itconstitutesasingularpower，sostrangelycomposedofmingledgoodandevilthatitisatthesametimeindispensabletotheexistenceoffreedom，andnearlyincompatiblewiththemaintenanceofpublicorder。ItspoweriscertainlymuchgreaterinFrancethanintheUnitedStates;thoughnothingismorerareinthelattercountrythantohearofaprosecutionhavingbeeninstitutedagainstit。Thereasonofthisisperfectlysimple:theAmericans，havingonceadmittedthedoctrineofthesovereigntyofthepeople，applyitwithperfectconsistency。Itwasnevertheirintentiontofoundapermanentstateofthingswithelementswhichundergodailymodifications;andthereisconsequentlynothingcriminalinanattackupontheexistinglaws，provideditbenotattendedwithaviolentinfractionofthem。Theyaremoreoverofopinionthatcourtsofjusticeareunabletochecktheabusesofthepress;
andthatasthesubtiltyofhumanlanguageperpetuallyeludestheseverityofjudicialanalysis，offencesofthisnatureareapttoescapethehandwhichattemptstoapprehendthem。Theyholdthattoactwithefficacyuponthepressitwouldbenecessarytofindatribunal，notonlydevotedtotheexistingorderofthings，butcapableofsurmountingtheinfluenceofpublicopinion;atribunalwhichshouldconductitsproceedingswithoutpublicity，whichshouldpronounceitsdecreeswithoutassigningitsmotives，andpunishtheintentionsevenmorethanthelanguageofanauthor。Whosoevershouldhavethepowerofcreatingandmaintainingatribunalofthiskindwouldwastehistimeinprosecutingthelibertyofthepress;forhewouldbethesuprememasterofthewholecommunity，andhewouldbeasfreetoridhimselfoftheauthorsasoftheirwritings。Inthisquestion，therefore，thereisnomediumbetweenservitudeandextremelicense;inordertoenjoytheinestimablebenefitswhichthelibertyofthepressensures，itisnecessarytosubmittotheinevitableevilswhichitengenders。Toexpecttoacquiretheformerandtoescapethelatteristocherishoneofthoseillusionswhichcommonlymisleadnationsintheirtimesofsickness，when，tiredwithfactionandexhaustedbyeffort，theyattempttocombinehostileopinionsandcontraryprinciplesuponthesamesoil。
ThesmallinfluenceoftheAmericanjournalsisattributabletoseveralreasons，amongstwhicharethefollowing:
Thelibertyofwriting，likeallotherliberty，ismostformidablewhenitisanovelty;forapeoplewhichhasneverbeenaccustomedtoco—operateintheconductofStateaffairsplacesimplicitconfidenceinthefirsttribunewhoarousesitsattention。TheAnglo—Americanshaveenjoyedthislibertyeversincethefoundationofthesettlements;moreover，thepresscannotcreatehumanpassionsbyitsownpower，howeverskillfullyitmaykindlethemwheretheyexist。InAmericapoliticsarediscussedwithanimationandavariedactivity，buttheyrarelytouchthosedeeppassionswhichareexcitedwheneverthepositiveinterestofapartofthecommunityisimpaired:butintheUnitedStatestheinterestsofthecommunityareinamostprosperouscondition。AsingleglanceuponaFrenchandanAmericannewspaperissufficienttoshowthedifferencewhichexistsbetweenthetwonationsonthishead。InFrancethespaceallottedtocommercialadvertisementsisverylimited，andtheintelligenceisnotconsiderable，butthemostessentialpartofthejournalisthatwhichcontainsthediscussionofthepoliticsoftheday。InAmericathree—quartersoftheenormoussheetwhichissetbeforethereaderarefilledwithadvertisements，andtheremainderisfrequentlyoccupiedbypoliticalintelligenceortrivialanecdotes:itisonlyfromtimetotimethatonefindsacornerdevotedtopassionatediscussionslikethosewithwhichthejournalistsofFrancearewonttoindulgetheirreaders。
Ithasbeendemonstratedbyobservation，anddiscoveredbytheinnatesagacityofthepettiestaswellasthegreatestofdespots，thattheinfluenceofapowerisincreasedinproportionasitsdirectionisrenderedmorecentral。InFrancethepresscombinesatwofoldcentralization;almostallitspoweriscentredinthesamespot，andvestedinthesamehands，foritsorgansarefarfromnumerous。Theinfluenceofapublicpressthusconstituted，uponascepticalnation，mustbeunbounded。ItisanenemywithwhichaGovernmentmaysignanoccasionaltruce，butwhichitisdifficulttoresistforanylengthoftime。
NeitherofthesekindsofcentralizationexistsinAmerica。
TheUnitedStateshavenometropolis;theintelligenceaswellasthepowerofthecountryaredispersedabroad，andinsteadofradiatingfromapoint，theycrosseachotherineverydirection;
theAmericanshaveestablishednocentralcontrolovertheexpressionofopinion，anymorethanovertheconductofbusiness。Thesearecircumstanceswhichdonotdependonhumanforesight;butitisowingtothelawsoftheUnionthattherearenolicensestobegrantedtoprinters，nosecuritiesdemandedfromeditorsasinFrance，andnostampdutyasinFranceandformerlyinEngland。Theconsequenceofthisisthatnothingiseasierthantosetupanewspaper，andasmallnumberofreaderssufficestodefraytheexpensesoftheeditor。
ThenumberofperiodicalandoccasionalpublicationswhichappearsintheUnitedStatesactuallysurpassesbelief。ThemostenlightenedAmericansattributethesubordinateinfluenceofthepresstothisexcessivedissemination;anditisadoptedasanaxiomofpoliticalscienceinthatcountrythattheonlywaytoneutralizetheeffectofpublicjournalsistomultiplythemindefinitely。Icannotconceivethatatruthwhichissoself—
evidentshouldnotalreadyhavebeenmoregenerallyadmittedinEurope;itiscomprehensiblethatthepersonswhohopetobringaboutrevolutionsbymeansofthepressshouldbedesirousofconfiningitsactiontoafewpowerfulorgans，butitisperfectlyincrediblethatthepartisansoftheexistingstateofthings，andthenaturalsupportersofthelaw，shouldattempttodiminishtheinfluenceofthepressbyconcentratingitsauthority。TheGovernmentsofEuropeseemtotreatthepresswiththecourtesyoftheknightsofold;theyareanxioustofurnishitwiththesamecentralpowerwhichtheyhavefoundtobesotrustyaweapon，inordertoenhancethegloryoftheirresistancetoitsattacks。
InAmericathereisscarcelyahamletwhichhasnotitsownnewspaper。Itmayreadilybeimaginedthatneitherdisciplinenorunityofdesigncanbecommunicatedtosomultifariousahost，andeachoneisconsequentlyledtofightunderhisownstandard。
AllthepoliticaljournalsoftheUnitedStatesareindeedarrayedonthesideoftheadministrationoragainstit;buttheyattackanddefendinathousanddifferentways。Theycannotsucceedinformingthosegreatcurrentsofopinionwhichoverwhelmthemostsolidobstacles。Thisdivisionoftheinfluenceofthepressproducesavarietyofotherconsequenceswhicharescarcelylessremarkable。Thefacilitywithwhichjournalscanbeestablishedinducesamultitudeofindividualstotakeapartinthem;butastheextentofcompetitionprecludesthepossibilityofconsiderableprofit，themostdistinguishedclassesofsocietyarerarelyledtoengageintheseundertakings。Butsuchisthenumberofthepublicprintsthat，eveniftheywereasourceofwealth，writersofabilitycouldnotbefoundtodirectthemall。ThejournalistsoftheUnitedStatesareusuallyplacedinaveryhumbleposition，withascantyeducationandavulgarturnofmind。Thewillofthemajorityisthemostgeneraloflaws，anditestablishescertainhabitswhichformthecharacteristicsofeachpeculiarclassofsociety;thusitdictatestheetiquettepractisedatcourtsandtheetiquetteofthebar。ThecharacteristicsoftheFrenchjournalistconsistinaviolent，butfrequentlyaneloquentandlofty，mannerofdiscussingthepoliticsoftheday;andtheexceptionstothishabitualpracticeareonlyoccasional。ThecharacteristicsoftheAmericanjournalistconsistinanopenandcoarseappealtothepassionsofthepopulace;andhehabituallyabandonstheprinciplesofpoliticalsciencetoassailthecharactersofindividuals，totrackthemintoprivatelife，anddisclosealltheirweaknessesanderrors。
Nothingcanbemoredeplorablethanthisabuseofthepowersofthought;IshallhaveoccasiontopointouthereaftertheinfluenceofthenewspapersuponthetasteandthemoralityoftheAmericanpeople，butmypresentsubjectexclusivelyconcernsthepoliticalworld。Itcannotbedeniedthattheeffectsofthisextremelicenseofthepresstendindirectlytothemaintenanceofpublicorder。Theindividualswhoarealreadyinthepossessionofahighstationintheesteemoftheirfellow—citizensareafraidtowriteinthenewspapers，andtheyarethusdeprivedofthemostpowerfulinstrumentwhichtheycanusetoexcitethepassionsofthemultitudetotheirownadvantage。*a[Footnotea:Theyonlywriteinthepaperswhentheychoosetoaddressthepeopleintheirownname;as，forinstance，whentheyarecalledupontorepelcalumniousimputations，andtocorrectamisstatementoffacts。]
Thepersonalopinionsoftheeditorshavenokindofweightintheeyesofthepublic:theonlyuseofajournalis，thatitimpartstheknowledgeofcertainfacts，anditisonlybyalteringordistortingthosefactsthatajournalistcancontributetothesupportofhisownviews。
Butalthoughthepressislimitedtotheseresources，itsinfluenceinAmericaisimmense。Itisthepowerwhichimpelsthecirculationofpoliticallifethroughallthedistrictsofthatvastterritory。Itseyeisconstantlyopentodetectthesecretspringsofpoliticaldesigns，andtosummontheleadersofallpartiestothebarofpublicopinion。Itralliestheinterestsofthecommunityroundcertainprinciples，anditdrawsupthecreedwhichfactionsadopt;foritaffordsameansofintercoursebetweenpartieswhichhear，andwhichaddresseachotherwithouteverhavingbeeninimmediatecontact。Whenagreatnumberoftheorgansofthepressadoptthesamelineofconduct，theirinfluencebecomesirresistible;andpublicopinion，whenitisperpetuallyassailedfromthesameside，eventuallyyieldstotheattack。IntheUnitedStateseachseparatejournalexercisesbutlittleauthority，butthepoweroftheperiodicalpressisonlysecondtothatofthepeople。*b[Footnoteb:SeeAppendix，P。]
TheopinionsestablishedintheUnitedStatesundertheempireofthelibertyofthepressarefrequentlymorefirmlyrootedthanthosewhichareformedelsewhereunderthesanctionofacensor。
IntheUnitedStatesthedemocracyperpetuallyraisesfreshindividualstotheconductofpublicaffairs;andthemeasuresoftheadministrationareconsequentlyseldomregulatedbythestrictrulesofconsistencyoroforder。ButthegeneralprinciplesoftheGovernmentaremorestable，andtheopinionsmostprevalentinsocietyaregenerallymoredurablethaninmanyothercountries。WhenoncetheAmericanshavetakenupanidea，whetheritbewellorillfounded，nothingismoredifficultthantoeradicateitfromtheirminds。ThesametenacityofopinionhasbeenobservedinEngland，where，forthelastcentury，greaterfreedomofconscienceandmoreinvincibleprejudiceshaveexistedthaninalltheothercountriesofEurope。Iattributethisconsequencetoacausewhichmayatfirstsightappeartohaveaveryoppositetendency，namely，tothelibertyofthepress。Thenationsamongstwhichthislibertyexistsareasapttoclingtotheiropinionsfromprideasfromconviction。Theycherishthembecausetheyholdthemtobejust，andbecausetheyexercisedtheirownfree—willinchoosingthem;andtheymaintainthemnotonlybecausetheyaretrue，butbecausetheyaretheirown。Severalotherreasonsconducetothesameend。
Itwasremarkedbyamanofgeniusthat\"ignoranceliesatthetwoendsofknowledge。\"Perhapsitwouldhavebeenmorecorrecttohavesaid，thatabsoluteconvictionsaretobemetwithatthetwoextremities，andthatdoubtliesinthemiddle;
forthehumanintellectmaybeconsideredinthreedistinctstates，whichfrequentlysucceedoneanother。Amanbelievesimplicitly，becauseheadoptsapropositionwithoutinquiry。Hedoubtsassoonasheisassailedbytheobjectionswhichhisinquiriesmayhavearoused。Buthefrequentlysucceedsinsatisfyingthesedoubts，andthenhebeginstobelieveafresh:henolongerlaysholdonatruthinitsmostshadowyanduncertainform，butheseesitclearlybeforehim，andheadvancesonwardsbythelightitgiveshim。*c[Footnotec:Itmay，however，bedoubtedwhetherthisrationalandself—guidingconvictionarousesasmuchfervororenthusiasticdevotednessinmenastheirfirstdogmaticalbelief。]
Whenthelibertyofthepressactsuponmenwhoareinthefirstofthesethreestates，itdoesnotimmediatelydisturbtheirhabitofbelievingimplicitlywithoutinvestigation，butitconstantlymodifiestheobjectsoftheirintuitiveconvictions。
Thehumanmindcontinuestodiscernbutonepointuponthewholeintellectualhorizon，andthatpointisincontinualmotion。
Sucharethesymptomsofsuddenrevolutions，andofthemisfortuneswhicharesuretobefallthosegenerationswhichabruptlyadopttheunconditionalfreedomofthepress。
Thecircleofnovelideasis，however，soonterminated;thetouchofexperienceisuponthem，andthedoubtandmistrustwhichtheiruncertaintyproducesbecomeuniversal。Wemayrestassuredthatthemajorityofmankindwilleitherbelievetheyknownotwherefore，orwillnotknowwhattobelieve。Fewarethebeingswhocaneverhopetoattaintothatstateofrationalandindependentconvictionwhichtrueknowledgecanbegetindefianceoftheattacksofdoubt。
Ithasbeenremarkedthatintimesofgreatreligiousfervormensometimeschangetheirreligiousopinions;whereasintimesofgeneralscepticismeveryoneclingstohisownpersuasion。Thesamethingtakesplaceinpoliticsunderthelibertyofthepress。Incountrieswhereallthetheoriesofsocialsciencehavebeencontestedintheirturn，thecitizenswhohaveadoptedoneofthemsticktoit，notsomuchbecausetheyareassuredofitsexcellence，asbecausetheyarenotconvincedofthesuperiorityofanyother。Inthepresentagemenarenotveryreadytodieindefenceoftheiropinions，buttheyarerarelyinclinedtochangethem;andtherearefewermartyrsaswellasfewerapostates。
Anotherstillmorevalidreasonmayyetbeadduced:whennoabstractopinionsarelookeduponascertain，menclingtothemerepropensitiesandexternalinterestsoftheirposition，whicharenaturallymoretangibleandmorepermanentthananyopinionsintheworld。
Itisnotaquestionofeasysolutionwhetheraristocracyordemocracyismostfittogovernacountry。Butitiscertainthatdemocracyannoysonepartofthecommunity，andthataristocracyoppressesanotherpart。Whenthequestionisreducedtothesimpleexpressionofthestrugglebetweenpovertyandwealth，thetendencyofeachsideofthedisputebecomesperfectlyevidentwithoutfurthercontroversy。
ChapterXII:PoliticalAssociationsInTheUnitedStatesChapterSummaryDailyusewhichtheAnglo—Americansmakeoftherightofassociation—Threekindsofpoliticalassociations—InwhatmannertheAmericansapplytherepresentativesystemtoassociations—DangersresultingtotheState—GreatConventionof1831relativetotheTariff—LegislativecharacterofthisConvention—WhytheunlimitedexerciseoftherightofassociationislessdangerousintheUnitedStatesthanelsewhere—Whyitmaybelookeduponasnecessary—Utilityofassociationsinademocraticpeople。
PoliticalAssociationsInTheUnitedStatesInnocountryintheworldhastheprincipleofassociationbeenmoresuccessfullyused，ormoreunsparinglyappliedtoamultitudeofdifferentobjects，thaninAmerica。Besidesthepermanentassociationswhichareestablishedbylawunderthenamesoftownships，cities，andcounties，avastnumberofothersareformedandmaintainedbytheagencyofprivateindividuals。
ThecitizenoftheUnitedStatesistaughtfromhisearliestinfancytorelyuponhisownexertionsinordertoresisttheevilsandthedifficultiesoflife;helooksuponsocialauthoritywithaneyeofmistrustandanxiety，andheonlyclaimsitsassistancewhenheisquiteunabletoshiftwithoutit。Thishabitmayevenbetracedintheschoolsoftherisinggeneration，wherethechildrenintheirgamesarewonttosubmittoruleswhichtheyhavethemselvesestablished，andtopunishmisdemeanorswhichtheyhavethemselvesdefined。Thesamespiritpervadeseveryactofsociallife。Ifastoppageoccursinathoroughfare，andthecirculationofthepublicishindered，theneighborsimmediatelyconstituteadeliberativebody;andthisextemporaneousassemblygivesrisetoanexecutivepowerwhichremediestheinconveniencebeforeanybodyhasthoughtofrecurringtoanauthoritysuperiortothatofthepersonsimmediatelyconcerned。Ifthepublicpleasuresareconcerned，anassociationisformedtoprovideforthesplendorandtheregularityoftheentertainment。Societiesareformedtoresistenemieswhichareexclusivelyofamoralnature，andtodiminishtheviceofintemperance:intheUnitedStatesassociationsareestablishedtopromotepublicorder，commerce，industry，morality，andreligion;forthereisnoendwhichthehumanwill，secondedbythecollectiveexertionsofindividuals，despairsofattaining。
Ishallhereafterhaveoccasiontoshowtheeffectsofassociationuponthecourseofsociety，andImustconfinemyselfforthepresenttothepoliticalworld。Whenoncetherightofassociationisrecognized，thecitizensmayemployitinseveraldifferentways。
Anassociationconsistssimplyinthepublicassentwhichanumberofindividualsgivetocertaindoctrines，andintheengagementwhichtheycontracttopromotethespreadofthosedoctrinesbytheirexertions。Therightofassociationwiththeseviewsisveryanalogoustothelibertyofunlicensedwriting;butsocietiesthusformedpossessmoreauthoritythanthepress。Whenanopinionisrepresentedbyasociety，itnecessarilyassumesamoreexactandexplicitform。Itnumbersitspartisans，andcompromisestheirwelfareinitscause:they，ontheotherhand，becomeacquaintedwitheachother，andtheirzealisincreasedbytheirnumber。Anassociationunitestheeffortsofmindswhichhaveatendencytodivergeinonesinglechannel，andurgesthemvigorouslytowardsonesingleendwhichitpointsout。
Theseconddegreeintherightofassociationisthepowerofmeeting。Whenanassociationisallowedtoestablishcentresofactionatcertainimportantpointsinthecountry，itsactivityisincreasedanditsinfluenceextended。Menhavetheopportunityofseeingeachother;meansofexecutionaremorereadilycombined，andopinionsaremaintainedwithadegreeofwarmthandenergywhichwrittenlanguagecannotapproach。
Lastly，intheexerciseoftherightofpoliticalassociation，thereisathirddegree:thepartisansofanopinionmayuniteinelectoralbodies，andchoosedelegatestorepresenttheminacentralassembly。Thisis，properlyspeaking，theapplicationoftherepresentativesystemtoaparty。
Thus，inthefirstinstance，asocietyisformedbetweenindividualsprofessingthesameopinion，andthetiewhichkeepsittogetherisofapurelyintellectualnature;inthesecondcase，smallassembliesareformedwhichonlyrepresentafractionoftheparty。Lastly，inthethirdcase，theyconstituteaseparatenationinthemidstofthenation，agovernmentwithintheGovernment。Theirdelegates，liketherealdelegatesofthemajority，representtheentirecollectiveforceoftheirparty;
andtheyenjoyacertaindegreeofthatnationaldignityandgreatinfluencewhichbelongtothechosenrepresentativesofthepeople。Itistruethattheyhavenottherightofmakingthelaws，buttheyhavethepowerofattackingthosewhichareinbeing，andofdrawingupbeforehandthosewhichtheymayafterwardscausetobeadopted。
If，inapeoplewhichisimperfectlyaccustomedtotheexerciseoffreedom，orwhichisexposedtoviolentpoliticalpassions，adeliberatingminority，whichconfinesitselftothecontemplationoffuturelaws，beplacedinjuxtapositiontothelegislativemajority，Icannotbutbelievethatpublictranquillityincursverygreatrisksinthatnation。Thereisdoubtlessaverywidedifferencebetweenprovingthatonelawisinitselfbetterthananotherandprovingthattheformeroughttobesubstitutedforthelatter。Buttheimaginationofthepopulaceisveryapttooverlookthisdifference，whichissoapparenttothemindsofthinkingmen。Itsometimeshappensthatanationisdividedintotwonearlyequalparties，eachofwhichaffectstorepresentthemajority。If，inimmediatecontiguitytothedirectingpower，anotherpowerbeestablished，whichexercisesalmostasmuchmoralauthorityastheformer，itisnottobebelievedthatitwilllongbecontenttospeakwithoutacting;orthatitwillalwaysberestrainedbytheabstractconsiderationofthenatureofassociationswhicharemeanttodirectbutnottoenforceopinions，tosuggestbutnottomakethelaws。
Themoreweconsidertheindependenceofthepressinitsprincipalconsequences，themoreareweconvincedthatitisthechiefand，sotospeak，theconstitutiveelementoffreedominthemodernworld。Anationwhichisdeterminedtoremainfreeisthereforerightindemandingtheunrestrainedexerciseofthisindependence。Buttheunrestrainedlibertyofpoliticalassociationcannotbeentirelyassimilatedtothelibertyofthepress。Theoneisatthesametimelessnecessaryandmoredangerousthantheother。Anationmayconfineitwithincertainlimitswithoutforfeitinganypartofitsself—control;anditmaysometimesbeobligedtodosoinordertomaintainitsownauthority。
InAmericathelibertyofassociationforpoliticalpurposesisunbounded。Anexamplewillshowintheclearestlighttowhatanextentthisprivilegeistolerated。
Thequestionofthetariff，oroffreetrade，producedagreatmanifestationofpartyfeelinginAmerica;thetariffwasnotonlyasubjectofdebateasamatterofopinion，butitexercisedafavorableoraprejudicialinfluenceuponseveralverypowerfulinterestsoftheStates。TheNorthattributedagreatportionofitsprosperity，andtheSouthallitssufferings，tothissystem;insomuchthatforalongtimethetariffwasthesolesourceofthepoliticalanimositieswhichagitatedtheUnion。
In1831，whenthedisputewasragingwiththeutmostvirulence，aprivatecitizenofMassachusettsproposedtoalltheenemiesofthetariff，bymeansofthepublicprints，tosenddelegatestoPhiladelphiainordertoconsulttogetheruponthemeanswhichweremostfittedtopromotefreedomoftrade。ThisproposalcirculatedinafewdaysfromMainetoNewOrleansbythepoweroftheprinting—press:theopponentsofthetariffadopteditwithenthusiasm;meetingswereformedonallsides，anddelegateswerenamed。Themajorityoftheseindividualswerewellknown，andsomeofthemhadearnedaconsiderabledegreeofcelebrity。SouthCarolinaalone，whichafterwardstookuparmsinthesamecause，sentsixty—threedelegates。OnOctober1，1831，thisassembly，whichaccordingtotheAmericancustomhadtakenthenameofaConvention，metatPhiladelphia;itconsistedofmorethantwohundredmembers。Itsdebateswerepublic，andtheyatonceassumedalegislativecharacter;theextentofthepowersofCongress，thetheoriesoffreetrade，andthedifferentclausesofthetariff，werediscussedinturn。Attheendoftendays’deliberationtheConventionbrokeup，afterhavingpublishedanaddresstotheAmericanpeople，inwhichitdeclared:
I。ThatCongresshadnottherightofmakingatariff，andthattheexistingtariffwasunconstitutional;
II。Thattheprohibitionoffreetradewasprejudicialtotheinterestsofallnations，andtothatoftheAmericanpeopleinparticular。
Itmustbeacknowledgedthattheunrestrainedlibertyofpoliticalassociationhasnothithertoproduced，intheUnitedStates，thosefatalconsequenceswhichmightperhapsbeexpectedfromitelsewhere。TherightofassociationwasimportedfromEngland，andithasalwaysexistedinAmerica;sothattheexerciseofthisprivilegeisnowamalgamatedwiththemannersandcustomsofthepeople。Atthepresenttimethelibertyofassociationisbecomeanecessaryguaranteeagainstthetyrannyofthemajority。IntheUnitedStates，assoonasapartyisbecomepreponderant，allpublicauthoritypassesunderitscontrol;itsprivatesupportersoccupyalltheplaces，andhavealltheforceoftheadministrationattheirdisposal。Asthemostdistinguishedpartisansoftheothersideofthequestionareunabletosurmounttheobstacleswhichexcludethemfrompower，theyrequiresomemeansofestablishingthemselvesupontheirownbasis，andofopposingthemoralauthorityoftheminoritytothephysicalpowerwhichdomineersoverit。Thusadangerousexpedientisusedtoobviateastillmoreformidabledanger。
TheomnipotenceofthemajorityappearstometopresentsuchextremeperilstotheAmericanRepublicsthatthedangerousmeasurewhichisusedtorepressitseemstobemoreadvantageousthanprejudicial。AndhereIamabouttoadvanceapropositionwhichmayremindthereaderofwhatIsaidbeforeinspeakingofmunicipalfreedom:Therearenocountriesinwhichassociationsaremoreneeded，topreventthedespotismoffactionorthearbitrarypowerofaprince，thanthosewhicharedemocraticallyconstituted。Inaristocraticnationsthebodyofthenoblesandthemoreopulentpartofthecommunityareinthemselvesnaturalassociations，whichactaschecksupontheabusesofpower。Incountriesinwhichtheseassociationsdonotexist，ifprivateindividualsareunabletocreateanartificialandatemporarysubstituteforthem，Icanimaginenopermanentprotectionagainstthemostgallingtyranny;andagreatpeoplemaybeoppressedbyasmallfaction，orbyasingleindividual，withimpunity。
ThemeetingofagreatpoliticalConvention（forthereareConventionsofallkinds），whichmayfrequentlybecomeanecessarymeasure，isalwaysaseriousoccurrence，eveninAmerica，andonewhichisneverlookedforwardto，bythejudiciousfriendsofthecountry，withoutalarm。ThiswasveryperceptibleintheConventionof1831，atwhichtheexertionsofallthemostdistinguishedmembersoftheAssemblytendedtomoderateitslanguage，andtorestrainthesubjectswhichittreatedwithincertainlimits。Itisprobable，infact，thattheConventionof1831exercisedaverygreatinfluenceuponthemindsofthemalcontents，andpreparedthemfortheopenrevoltagainstthecommerciallawsoftheUnionwhichtookplacein1832。