Itbeingobvious，fromtheseaccumulatedconsiderations，thatarealriseofgeneralwagescannotbethrownontheconsumerbyariseofprices;
itfollowsalsothatarealriseevenofpartialwages——ofwagesinoneorafewemployments——whenthrownontheconsumerbyanincreasedpriceofthearticlesproduced，isgenerallyagainmade，whollyorinpart，attheexpenseoftheremainderofthelabouringclasses。For，theaggregateincomesofthepurchasingpublicnotbeingincreased，ifmoreisspentonsomearticlesofconsumption，lesswillbespentonothers。Therearetwopossiblesuppositions。Thepublicmayeitherreduceitsconsumptionofthearticleswhichhaverisen，oritmayretrenchbypreferenceinotherarticles。Intheformercase，fftheconsumptionfallsoffinfullproportiontotheriseofprice，thereisnomoremoneythanbeforeexpendedinthearticle，andnomore，therefore，tobedividedbetweenthelabourersandtheiremployers;butthelabourersmaypossiblyretaintheirimprovedwages，attheexpenseofprofits，untiltheemployers，wearyofhavinglessprofitthanotherpeople，withdrawpartoftheircapital。Butiftheconsumptiondoesnotfalloff，orfallsoffinalessdegree，sothatmoreisreallyspentonthearticlesafterthanbeforetherise，thepricesofsomeotherthingswillfallfromdiminisheddemand;theproducersofthoseotherthingswillhavelesstodivide，andeitherwagesorprofitsmustsuffer。Itwillusuallybewages;forastherewillnotbeemploymentinthosedepartmentsforsomanylabourersasbefore，somelabourerswillbethrownoutofwork。
AsMr。Thorntonremarks，thegeneralincreaseoftheincomesofthecommunitythroughtheprogressofwealthmaymakeuptotheotherbranchesoftheproductiveclassesforwhattheythuslose，andconvertitfromanabsoluteloss，tothelossofagain——thegainwhichasabodytheywouldhavederivedfromthegeneralincreaseofwealth，butofwhichthewhole，ormorethanthefairshare，hasbeendrawnoffbyasinglebranch。Still，theriseofwagesinanydepartmentisnecessarilyattheexpenseeitherofwagesinotherdepartmentsorofprofits，andingeneralbothwillcontributetoit。Solong，atleast，asthereareanyclassesoflabourerswhoarenotunionised，thesuccessesoftheUnionswillgenerallybeacauseoflosstothelabourersinthenon—unionistoccupations。
Fromtherecognitionofthisfactarisesaseriousquestionofrightandwrong，asbetweenUnionistsandtheremainderofthelabouringclasses。
Asbetweenthemselvesandtheiremployers，theyareundernoobligationsbutthoseofprudence。Theemployersarequitecapableoftakingcareofthemselves。Unionistsareundernomoraldutytotheiremployerswhichtheconditionstheymayseektoimposeonthemcanpossiblyviolate。Buttheyowemoraldutiestotheremainderofthelabouringclasses，andmoraldutiestothecommunityatlarge;anditbehoovesthemtotakecarethattheconditionstheymakefortheirownseparateinterestdonotconflictwitheitheroftheseobligations。
Howeversatisfactorilythequestionmayadmitofbeinganswered，itstillrequirestobeasked，whetherUnionistsarejustifiedinseekingariseofwagesforthemselves，whichwillinallprobabilityproduceafallofwages，orlossofemployment，tootherlabourers，theirfellow—countrymen。
Stillmoreisthisquestionraisedbythoserestrictiverules，forbiddingtheemploymentofnon—unionists，limitingthenumberofapprentices，etc。，whichmanyUnionsmaintain，andwhicharesometimesindispensabletothecompleteefficacyofUnionism。For（asMr。Thorntonrecognises）thereisnokeepingupwageswithoutlimitingthenumberofcompetitorsforemployment。
Andallsuchlimitationinflictsdistincteviluponthosewhomitexcludes——uponthatgreatmassoflabouringpopulationwhichisoutsidetheUnions;anevilnottrifling，forifthesystemwererigorouslyenforceditwouldpreventunskilledlabourersortheirchildrenfromeverrisingtotheconditionofskilled。Inwhatmannerisasystemwhichthusoperates，tobereconciledeitherwiththeobligationsofgeneralmorality，orwiththespecialregardprofessedbylabouringmenfortheinterestofthelabouringclass？TothejustificationofUnionismitisnecessarynotonlythatamodeofreconciliationshouldexist，butthatUnionistsshouldknowitandconsiderit;forifthereiseversogoodadefenceoftheirconduct，andtheydonotknoworcareaboutit，theircaseismorallythesameasiftherewerenone。
Unionistswhodonotconcernthemselveswiththesescruplesare，inintention，sacrificingtheinterestsoftheirfellow—labourers，themajorityofthelabouringclasses，totheirownseparateadvantage;theyaremakingthemselvesintoanoligarchyofmanuallabourers，indirectlysupportedbyataxleviedonthedemocracy。
Thereare，however，twoconsiderations，eitherofwhich，inthemindofanuprightandpublicspiritedworkingman，mayfairlylegitimatehisadhesiontoUnionism。Thefirstis，byconsideringtheUnionsofparticulartradesasameresteptowardsanuniversalUnion，includingalllabour，andasameansofeducatingtheeliteoftheworkingclassesforsuchafuture。ThisiswellputbyMr。Thornton:——
Though，intheinterestsofuniversallabour，theformationofnationalandcosmopolitanunionismbeclearlyanendtobeaimedat，thebest，ifnottheonlymeanstothatendisthepreviousformationandbringingtomaturityofseparatetradeunions。Thethingisscarcelytobedone，ifdoneatall，inanyotherway。Nationalunionismisonlytobebuiltuppiecemeal。Tobeginbylayingfoundationscoextensivewiththeareatobefinallycovered，wouldbeasurewayofnevergettingbeyondthefoundations。
Theonlyplanatallfeasible，isforseparatesectionsoflabourerstoorganisethemselvesindependently，andforeachseparateorganisationtoconfineitsattentiontoitsownaffairs，whereinitwouldlongfindabundantoccupationwithouttroublingitselfaboutthoseofitsneighbours，untilitandthey，havinggrownstrongenoughtostandalone，shouldperceiveittobefortheirmutualadvantagetocoalesceandstandtogether。Thisistheplanwhich，unconsciouslyperhapsforthemostpart，trades’unionsareatpresentfollowing，eachinobediencetoitsownselfishinstinct，seekingonlytodothebestforitself，yeteachdoingtherebythebestfortheothersalso。Thatthisoranyotherplanwilleverreallyeventuateintheformationofaconfederacyembracingtheentireworkingpopulation，maytomostpeopleappearanutterlychimericalnotion，andnodoubtthechancesaregreatagainstitsrealisation。
Butthething，howeverimprobable，isnotmoreimprobablethansomeoftheactualphenomenaofunionismwouldnotlongsincehaveappeared。Halfacenturyback，whilethemarvellousorganisingaptitudesofworkingmenlaydormantandunsuspected，itwouldhavebeenquiteasdifficultforanyonetolookforwardtotheexisting’amalgamation’oflittlelessthan50，000engineersor70，000miners，asitisnowtoimaginethatinanothercenturyorso——noverylongperiodinanation’slife——acombinationoftheseandofotherassociationsmayweldtogetherthewholecommunityofBritishworkmenasonebrotherhood。Atthepresentrateofprogresslessthanahundredyearswouldsufficefortheoperation。（Pp。289—90。）
Thisprospectmayappeartooremote，andevenvisionary，tobeanactuatingmotivewithanyconsiderablenumberofUnionists;butitiscertainlynotbeyondtheaspirationoftheleadersofUnionism，andwhatismore，somegreatstepshavealreadybeenmadeinthedirectionofitsrealisation。
AgenerationagoallUnionswerelocal，andinthosedaysstrikesweremuchmorefrequent，muchoftenerunreasonable，andmuchoftenerattendedwithcriminalexcesses，thanisthecaseatpresent。Sincethen，anumberofthemostimportanttradeshavebeenformedintoAmalgamatedSocietiesextendingtothewholecountry，andacentralcouncildecideswithaviewtotheinterestsoftheentiretrade，whatconditionsshallbeimposedonemployers，andinwhatcasesstrikesshalltakeplace。AnditisadmittedthattherulesoftheseAmalgamatedSocietiesaremuchlessobjectionablethanthoseofthelocalunionspreviouslywere，andthatthecentralbodypreventsmanymorestrikesthanitsanctions。Theimmediatemotivetotheamalgamationswas，ofcourse，theexperiencethatattemptsinonetowntoobtainariseofwages，onlycausedthetransferofthebusinesstoanother。Concerthavingbeenatlengthsubstitutedforcompetitionbetweendifferenttowns，theUnionsnowaimateffectingthesamesubstitutionbetweendifferentcountries:andwithinthelastfewyearsthereisacommencementofInternationalCongressesofworkingpeople，topreventtheeffortsmadeinonecountryfrombeingfrustratedforwantofacommonunderstandingwithothercountries。Andtherecanbelittledoubtthattheseattemptstolaythefoundationofanallianceamongtheartisansofcompetingcountries，havealreadyproducedsomeeffect，andwillacquireincreasingimportance。
Thereis，however，another，andalesselevated，butnotfallaciouspointofview，fromwhichtheapparentinjusticeofUnionismtothenon—unitedclassesoflabourersmaybemorallyvindicatedtotheconscienceofanintelligentUnionist。ThisistheMalthusianpointofview，soblindlydecriedashostileandodious，aboveall，tothelabouringclasses。Theignorantanduntrainedpartofthepoorerclasses（suchUnionistsmaysay）
willpeopleuptothepointwhichwillkeeptheirwagesatthatmiserableratewhichthelowscaleoftheirideasandhabitsmakesendurabletothem。
Aslongastheirmindsremainintheirpresentstate，ourpreventingthemfromcompetingwithusforemploymentdoesthemnorealinjury;itonlysavesourselvesfrombeingbroughtdowntotheirlevel。Thosewhomweexcludeareamorallyinferiorclassoflabourerstous;theirlabourisworthless，andtheirwantofprudenceandserf—restraintmakesthemmuchmoreactiveinaddingtothepopulation。Wedothemnowrongbyintrenchingourselvesbehindabarrier，toexcludethosewhosecompetitionwouldbringdownourwages，withoutmorethanmomentarilyraisingtheirs，butonlyaddingtothetotalnumbersinexistence。Thisisthepracticaljustification，asthingsnoware，ofsomeoftheexclusiveregulationsofTrades’Unions。
Ifthemajorityoftheirmemberslookuponthisstateofthings，sofarastheexcludedlabourersareconcerned，withindifference，andthinkitenoughfortheUnionstotakecareoftheirownmembers，thisisnotmoreculpableinthemthanisthesameindifferenceinclassesfarmorepowerfulandmoreprivilegedbysociety。Butitisastrongindicationofabetterspiritamongthem，thattheoperativesandartisansthroughoutthecountryformthemainstrengthofthedemand，rapidlybecomingirresistible，foruniversalandcompulsoryeducation。Thebrutishignoranceofthelowestorderofunskilledlabourershasnomoredeterminedenemies，nonemoreearnestininsistingthatitbecured，thanthecomparativelyeducatedworkmenwhodirecttheUnions。
ThemoraldutieswhichUnionistsowetosocietyatlarge——tothepermanentinterestofthenationandoftherace——arestilllessregardedthanthedutiesimposedbygoodfeelingtowardstheirownclass。Thereisaslittlepracticalsenseofsuchdutiesinthemindsofworkmenasinthoseofemployers——andtherecanscarcelybeless。Yetitisevident（forinstance）thatitcannotbefightthatacontestbetweentwoportionsofsocietyastothetermsonwhichtheywillco—operate，shouldbesettledbyimpairingtheefficacyoftheirjointaction。Theremustbesomebettermodeofsharingthefruitsofhumanproductivepowerthanbydiminishingtheiramount。Yetthisisnotonlytheeffect，buttheintention，ofmanyoftheconditionsimposedbysomeUnionsonworkmenandonemployers。Allrestrictionsontheemploymentofmachinery，oronarrangementsforeconomisinglabour，deservethiscensure。
SomeoftheUnionistregulationsgoevenfurtherthantoprohibitimprovements;
theyarecontrivedfortheexpresspurposeofmakingworkinefficient;
theypositivelyprohibittheworkmanfromworkinghardandwell，inorderthatitmaybenecessarytoemployagreaternumber。Regulationsthatnooneshallmovebricksinawheelbarrow，butonlycarrytheminahod，andthennomorethaneightatatime;thatstonesshallnotbeworkedatthequarrywhiletheyaresoft，butmustbeworkedbythemasonsoftheplacewheretheyaretobeused;thatplasterersshallnotdotheworkofplasterers’
labourers，norlabourersthatofplasterers，butaplastererandalabourermustbothbeemployedwhenonewouldsuffice;thatbricksmadeononesideofaparticularcanalmustliethereunused，whilefreshbricksaremadeforworkgoingonupontheother;thatmenshallnotdosogoodaday’sworkasto\"besttheirmates;\"thattheyshallnotwalkatmorethanagivenpacetotheirworkwhenthewalkiscounted\"inthemaster’stime\"——theseandscoresofsimilarexampleswhichwillbefoundinMr。Thornton’sbook，equallyvexatious，andsomeofthemmoreridiculous，areallgraveviolationsofthemoralrule，thatdisputesbetweenclassesshouldnotbesoconductedastomaketheworldaworseplaceforbothtogether，andultimatelyforthewholeofthecommunity。Idonotsaythattherearenevercaseswhichjustifyaresorttomeasureseventhusbadinprinciple。Aportionofsocietywhichcannototherwiseobtainjustconsiderationfromtherest，maybewarrantedindoingamischieftosocietyinordertoextortwhatitconsidersitsdues。Butwhenthusacting，thatportionofsocietyisinastateofwarwiththerest;andsuchmeansareneverjustifiablebutasweaponsofwar，likethedevastationofacountryandtheslaughterofitsinnocentinhabitants——thingsabominableinthemselves，butwhichmayunhappilybetheonlymeansofforcingapowerfuladversarytoconsenttojusttermsofaccommodation。Itispalpablyforthegoodofsocietythatitsmeansofproduction，thattheefficacyofitsindustry，shouldbeasgreataspossible，anditcannotbenecessarytoanequitabledivisionoftheproducetomakethatefficacyless。Thetruemoralityoftheworkmenwouldbetosecondzealouslyallmeansbywhichlabourcanbeeconomisedormademoreefficient，buttodemandtheirshareofthebenefit。Inwhatshapetheyshallobtainit，isamatterofnegociationbetweentheparties，thedifficultiesofwhichmaybegreatlylightenedbyanimpartialarbitration;anditisinsuchcases，aboveallothers，thatadvantagemightbeexpectedfromtheCouncilsofConciliation，whichMr。MundellaandMr。RupertKettlehavesoforciblyadvocated，andhavecarriedsosuccessfullyintopracticeintheirrespectivelocalities。Theidentificationoftheinterestoftheworkmenwiththeefficiency，insteadoftheinefficiencyofthework，isahappyresultasyetonlyattainedbyco—operativeindustryinsomedofitsforms。Andifitshouldprove，intheend，nottobeattainableotherwise;iftheclaimsoftheworkmentosharethebenefitofwhateverwasbeneficialtothegeneralinterestofthebusiness，becameanembarrassmenttothemastersfromwhichnosystemofarbitrationcouldsufficientlyrelievethem，andgrowinginconveniencetothemfromtheoppositionofinterestbetweenthemselvesandtheworkmenshouldstimulatetheconversionofexistingbusinessesintoIndustrialPartnerships，inwhichthewholebodyofworkpeoplehaveadirectinterestintheprofitsoftheenterprise;suchatransformationwouldbethetrueeuthanasiaofTrades’Unionism，whileitwouldtrainandprepareatleastthesuperiorportionoftheworkingclassesforaformofco—operationstillmoreequalandcomplete。
ItistothisfeatureinthefuturityoflabourthatthewholeofMr。
Thornton’sargumentleadsup:andtothishelooksforwardasthetruesolutionofthegreateconomicproblemofmodernlife。Nowherewillbefoundsocompactandcomprehensiveanaccountofthevariousformsofco—operativeindustrywhichhavebeentriedinthisandothercountrieswithsuchremarkablesuccess，eitherbycombinationsofoperativesunitingtheirsmallsavings，orbycapitalistemployersadmittingtheirworkmentoaparticipationinprofits。Iwillnotweakenthesemostinterestingstatementsbyabridgment，norisitnecessarytoprolongthisarticlebydissertingonasubjectwhichiseveryyearcommandingmoreoftheattentionofthebestpracticalminds。ThereadermaybereferredtoMr。Thorntonforaconclusiveanswertothehesitationsconcerningtheprobabilitiesofsuccessofthisgreatmovement，aswellasforaninspiringpictureoftheblessingstohumansocietywhichmayrationallybeexpectedfromitsprogressiverealisation。
IwillratherturnbacktoUnionism，andconcludewithapassageembodyingtheauthor’sultimatemoraljudgmentuponit。（Pp。333—36。）
Sufficientnotehasnotperhapsbeentakenoftheeducationalofficewhichunionismissilentlyandunconsciouslyperforming，andofthesofteningandcomposinginfluencewhichitisinsensiblyexercisingoveritsconstituents。
Mereunion，quiteirrespectivelyofanyspecialobject，isofitselfbeneficialdiscipline。Themereactofassociationisofitselfawholesomesubordinationoftheindividualtothegeneral。Merelytocombineforsomecommonobject，causespeopletotakeprideandpleasureinthatobject，whateveritbe，andrendersthemreadytomakesacrificesforitsfurtherance。Andiftheobjectbemutualdefenceandmutualsupport，then，fortheassociatestotakeaninterestinitandineachother，isoneandthesamething。Amongtrades’unionistsaccustomedtolooktoeachotherforassistanceinsickness，indistress，andinoldage，thesenseofmutualdependencebegetsmutualattachment。Intheirofficialintercoursetheyspeakofeachotheras’brothers;’
andthewordisnotanemptysound，butindicatesthesortofrelationshipwhichtheyatleastdesireshouldsubsistbetweenthem，andwhich，becausethey，dodesireit，issuretogrowup。Sofartheirsympathieshavealreadywidened，anditischaracteristicofallmoralexpansionnevertoceaseexpanding。Thosewho，fromcaringfornonebutthemselves，havegotsofarastocarefortheirfellow—workmen，willnotstoptilltheyhavelearnedtocareforalltheirfellow—men。Loveoftheirclasswillprovetohavebeenonlyanintermediatestage。betweenself—loveandloveoftheirkind。
Norisitonlyindirectlythatunionismisqualifiedtocontributetowardsthismoraldevelopment。Certainofitsarrangementsarecalculatedtoleadstraighttowardsthesameresult。Hitherto，protectionagainstmaterialevilandacquisitionofmaterialgoodhavebeenitschiefcare，buthigherobjectsarebeginningtoclaimattention，andintellectualandmoralimprovementarecominginforashareofsolicitude。InthelodgesoftheLondonbricklayers，drunkennessandswearingareexpresslyinterdicted。UndertheauspicesoftheAmalgamatedCarpenters，industrialschoolsarebeingestablished。
Thesearestrawsonthesurface，showinghowthecurrentofunionistopinionisflowing。ThedaymaynotbeverydistantwhenincreasingespritdecorpswillmakeAmalgamatedEngineersandCarpentersasproudindividuallyoftheirrespectivesocieties，asjealousoftheirhonour，andasunwillingtodisgracethem，astheofficersoftheoldBengalEngineersusedtobeoftheirconnectionwiththatpre—eminentlydistinguishedcorps;andinproportionasthosefeelingsbecomegeneralamongunionists，inthesameproportionmayunionismbeexpectedtodivestitselfofitsoffensiveattributes，exchangingeventuallypastviolenceandextravaganceforasmuchmoderationasitsnaturewilladmitof。
Still，evenwhensomodifiedandchastened，thenecessityforitscontinuingtoexistatallwillcontinuetobeanevil。Theoneconstitutionalvice，inherentinandinseparablefromunionism，isitsbeingavisibleandatangibleembodimentofthatantagonismbetweenlabourandcapital，whichhasalwaysbeenthecurseoftheoneandathorninthefleshoftheother……Theutmostsuccessesofwhichitiscapablecanneverbesuchaswell—wishersoftheirfellow—men，withanycatholicityofsympathy，willbemuchdisposedtorejoiceover。Itshighestachievementsmustalwaysfallveryshortindeedoftheconsummationtowhichspeculativephilanthropylovestolookforward，whenlabourandcapital，nolongerneedingtokeepeachother’saggressivenessincheck，shallcordiallycombineformutualco—operation……Butuntiltheallianceiseffected，andaslongastheantagonismsubsists，trades’
unionismwillcontinuetobeanindispensableauxiliaryoflabour，andthesooneritissorecognised，bothbythelegislatureandbycapitalists，thebetterforthepublicpeace。
NOTES:
1。London:Longman，Brown，Green，andLongmans，1846。
2。London:Murray，1848。
3。\"Itis，therefore，strictlycorrecttosay，thatthevalueofthingswhichcanbeincreasedinquantityatpleasure，doesnotdepend（exceptaccidentally，andduringthetimenecessaryforproductiontoadjustitself）upondemandandsupply;onthecontrary，demandandsupplydependuponit……Demandandsupplygovernthevalueofallthingswhichcannotbeindefinitelyincreased;exceptthat，evenforthem，whenproducedbyindustry，thereisaminimumvaluedeterminedbythecostofproduction。Butinallthingswhichadmitofindefinitemultiplication，demandandsupplyonlydeterminetheperturbationsofvalue，duringaperiodwhichcannotexceedthelengthoftimenecessaryforalteringthesupply。Whilethusrulingtheoscillationsofvalue，theythemselvesobeyasuperiorforce，whichmakesvaluegravitatetowardscostofproduction，andwhichwouldsettleitandkeepitthere，iffreshdisturbinginfluenceswerenotcontinuallyarisingtomakeitagaindeviate。\"J。S。Mill，Print。
ofPol。Econ。，bookiii。ch。iii。§2。
4。Mill，J。S。\"DeQuincey’sLogicofPoliticalEconomy，\"
5。\"DeQuincey’sLogicofPoliticalEconomy，\"
6。\"This，\"saysMr。Thornton，\"inspeakingoftangiblecommodities，seemstomeamoreaccurateaswellasasimplerwayofstatingthecase，thantosaythatthecompetitionofdealersmakespricefall，andthatcompetitionofcustomersmakesitrise。Whatthelattercompetitionseemstomereallytodois，toshowthedealersthatahigherpricethantheypreviouslysupposedisattainable，andtoinducethemconsequentlytorelaxtheirowncompetitionsoastoattainit。\"（p。69n。）
7。Cf。\"Preface\"tothe7thed。ofPrinciplesofPoliticalEconomy，8。ThatthosewhohavenotyetreadMr。Thornton’sbookmaynotbeeventemporarilyliabletothemisunderstandingofhismeaning，andofthewholespiritofhiswritings，whichmightbetheeffectofreadingonlythepassagecitedinthetext，Iwillatoncebringforwardtheothersideofhisopinion。Nothing，hesays，canbefurtherfromhispurpose\"thantoexculpatetheexistingsocialsystem，ortosuggestanexcuseforcontinuedacquiescenceinitsenormities……Toaffirmthatthoseevilsoftheexistingsocialpolitywhichconstitutethepeculiargrievanceofthepoorarenottheresultofhumaninjustice，isperfectlyconsistentwiththemostvehementdenunciationbothoftheevilsthemselvesandoftheheartlessindifferencethatwouldperpetuatethem。Itisperfectlyconsistent，evenwiththeadmissionthattherichareboundtodowhattheycantoalleviatethoseevils——withthisproviso，however，thattheyaresobound，notbytheirdutytoothers，butbytheirdutytothemselves。
Theobligationisimposeduponthemnotbyinjunctionsofjustice，butbytheforceofsympathyandtheexhortationsofhumanityandcharity。
Thesacrificeswhichitmaythusbecomeincumbentontherichtomake，thepoorarenotinconsequenceentitledtodemand。Ifthesacrificesarewithheld，therichstandconvictedindeedofbruteselfishness，buttheydonottherebylaythemselvesopentotheadditionalchargeofinjustice。
Thisdistinctionisnotdrawnforthesakeofpedanticprecision;itisoneofimmensepracticalimportance。Toallrightreasoning，itisessentialthatthingsshouldbecalledbytheirrightnames;andthatnothing，howeverbad，shouldreceiveaworsenamethanitdeserves。Themoreglaringasin，thelessreasonisthereforexaggeratingit;and，inthecasebeforeus，theuseofanerroneousepithethasbeenafruitfulsourceoffurthererror。
Unlessthepresentconstitutionofsocietyhadbeenarbitrarilyassumedtobeunjust，itwouldneverhavebeenproposedtocorrectitsinjusticebyresortingtomeanswhichwouldotherwisehavebeenatonceperceivedtobethemselvesutterlyunjustifiable。Onnootheraccountcoulditeverhavebeensupposedthatlibertydemandedforitsownvindicationtheviolationofliberty，andthatthefreedomofcompetitionoughttobefetteredorabolished。Forfreedomofcompetitionmeansnomorethanthateveryoneshouldbeatlibertytodohisbestforhimself，leavingallothersequallyatlibertytodotheirbestforthemselves。Ofallthenaturalrightsofman，thereisnotonemoreincontestablethanthis，norwithwhichinterferencewouldbemoremanifestlyunrighteous。Yetthisitisproposedtosetasideasincompatiblewiththerightsoflabour，asifthosecouldpossiblyberightswhichcannotbemaintainedexceptbyunrighteousmeans。（Pp。94—5。）
TheheartinessofMr。Thornton’sdevotiontotheinterestofthelabouringclasses（or，itshouldratherbesaid，totheinterestofhumannatureasembodiedinthem），ismanifestedthroughoutthework;
butnowheresovividlyasinthenobleIntroductoryChapter，wherehedepictsastateofthingsinwhichallthegrosserandmorepalpableevilsoftheirpovertymightbeextinct，andshowsthatwiththistheyoughtnot，andweoughtnot，tobecontent。Itisnotenoughthattheyshouldnolongerbeobjectsofpity。Theconditionsofapositivelyhappyanddignifiedexistencearewhathedemandsforthem，aswellasforeveryotherportionofthehumanrace。
9。Bynomeansacompleteanswer;forthereisamediumbetweenprivateappropriationoflandanddenialofprotectiontoitsfruits。Istherenotsuchathingastemporaryappropriation？Asamatteroffact，evenincountriesofthemostimprovedagriculture，thetillageisusuallyperformedbypersonswhohavenopropertyinthesoil——oftenbymeretenantsatwill。