Idonotforamomentbelievethatouractionshavebroughtonbusinessdistress；sofarasthisisduetolocalandnotworld-
widecauses，andtotheactionsofanyparticularindividuals，itisduetothespeculativefollyandflagrantdishonestyofafewmenofgreatwealth，whonowseektoshieldthemselvesfromtheeffectsoftheirownwrongdoingsbyascribingitsresultstotheactionsofthosewhohavesoughttoputastoptothewrongdoing。
Butifitweretruethattocutoutrottennessfromthebodypoliticmeantamomentarychecktoanunhealthyseemingprosperity，Ishouldnotforonemomenthesitatetoputtheknifetothecancer。Onbehalfofallourpeople，onbehalfnolessofthehonestmanofmeansthanofthehonestmanwhoearnseachday’slivelihoodbythatday’ssweatofhisbrow，itisnecessarytoinsistuponhonestyinbusinessandpoliticsalike，inallwalksoflife，inbigthingsandinlittlethings；uponjustandfairdealingasbetweenmanandman。WearestrivingfortherightinthespiritofAbrahamLincolnwhenhesaid：
“Fondlydowehope——ferventlydowepray——thatthismightyscourgemayspeedilypassaway。Yet，ifGodwillsthatitcontinueuntilallthewealthpiledbythebondsmen’stwohundredandfiftyyearsofunrequitedtoilshallbesunk，anduntileverydropofblooddrawnwiththelashshallbepaidbyanotherdrawnwiththesword，aswassaidthreethousandyearsago，sostillitmustbesaid，’ThejudgmentsoftheLordaretrueandrighteousaltogether。’
“Withmalicetowardnone；withcharityforall；withfirmnessintheright，asGodgivesustoseetheright，letusstriveontofinishtheworkwearein。”
Sincerelyyours，THEODOREROOSEVELT。
BythetimeIbecamePresidentIhadgrowntofeelwithdeepintensityofconvictionthatgovernmentalagenciesmustfindtheirjustificationlargelyinthewayinwhichtheyareusedforthepracticalbettermentoflivingandworkingconditionsamongthemassofthepeople。Ifeltthatthefightwasreallyfortheabolitionofprivilege；andoneofthefirststagesinthebattlewasnecessarilytofightfortherightsoftheworkingman。ForthisreasonIfeltmoststronglythatallthatthegovernmentcoulddointheinterestoflaborshouldbedone。TheFederalGovernmentcanrarelyactwiththedirectnessthattheStategovernmentsact。Itcan，however，doagooddeal。MypurposewastomaketheNationalGovernmentitselfamodelemployeroflabor，theeffortbeingtomaketheperdiememployeejustasmuchastheCabinetofficerregardhimselfasoneofthepartnersemployedintheserviceofthepublic，proudofhiswork，eagertodoitinthebestpossiblemanner，andconfidentofjusttreatment。OuraimwasalsotosecuregoodlawswherevertheNationalGovernmenthadpower，notablyintheTerritories，intheDistrictofColumbia，andinconnectionwithinter-Statecommerce。Ifoundtheeight-hourlawamerefarce，thedepartmentsrarelyenforcingitwithanydegreeofefficiency。ThisI
remediedbyexecutiveaction。Unfortunately，thoroughlyefficientgovernmentservantsoftenprovedtobetheprimeoffenderssofarastheenforcementoftheeight-hourlawwasconcerned，becauseintheirzealtogetgoodworkdonefortheGovernmenttheybecameharshtaskmasters，anddeclinedtoconsidertheneedsoftheirfellow-
employeeswhoservedunderthem。ThemoreIhadstudiedthesubjectthemorestronglyIhadbecomeconvincedthataneight-hourdayundertheconditionsoflaborintheUnitedStateswasallthatcould，withwisdomandpropriety，berequiredeitherbytheGovernmentorbyprivateemployers；thatmorethanthismeant，ontheaverage，adecreaseinthequalitiesthattellforgoodcitizenship。Ifinallysolvedtheproblem，asfarasGovernmentemployeeswereconcerned，bycallinginCharlesP。Neill，theheadoftheLaborBureau；andactingonhisadvice，Ispeedilymadetheeight-hourlawreallyeffective。
Anymanwhoshirkedhiswork，whodawdledandidled，receivednomercy；slacknessisevenworsethanharshness；forexactlyasinbattlemercytothecowardiscrueltytothebraveman，soincivillifeslacknesstowardstheviciousandidleisharshnesstowardsthehonestandhardworking。
WepassedagoodlawprotectingthelivesandhealthofminersintheTerritories，andotherlawsprovidingforthesupervisionofemploymentagenciesintheDistrictofColumbia，andprotectingthehealthofmotormenandconductorsonstreetrailwaysintheDistrict。
WepracticallystartedtheBureauofMines。WeprovidedforsafeguardingfactoryemployeesintheDistrictagainstaccidents，andfortherestrictionofchildlabortherein。Wepassedaworkmen’scompensationlawfortheprotectionofGovernmentemployees；alawwhichdidnotgoasfarasIwished，butwhichwasthebestIcouldget，andwhichcommittedtheGovernmenttotherightpolicy。WeprovidedforaninvestigationofwomanandchildlaborintheUnitedStates。WeincorporatedtheNationalChildLaborCommittee。Wherewehadmostdifficultywaswiththerailwaycompaniesengagedininter-
Statebusiness。Wepassedanactimprovingsafetyappliancesonrailwaytrainswithoutmuchopposition，butwehadmoretroublewithactsregulatingthehoursoflaborofrailwayemployeesandmakingthoserailwayswhichwereengagedininter-Statecommerceliableforinjuriestoorthedeathoftheiremployeeswhileonduty。OneimportantstepinconnectionwiththeselatterlawswastakenbyAttorney-GeneralMoodywhen，onbehalfoftheGovernment，heintervenedinthecaseofawrongedemployee。ItisunjustthatalawwhichhasbeendeclaredpublicpolicybytherepresentativesofthepeopleshouldbesubmittedtothepossibilityofnullificationbecausetheGovernmentleavestheenforcementofittotheprivateinitiativeofpoorpeoplewhohavejustsufferedsomecrushingaccident。ItshouldbethebusinessoftheGovernmenttoenforcelawsofthiskind，andtoappearincourttoarguefortheirconstitutionalityandproperenforcement。ThankstoMoody，theGovernmentassumedthisposition。
Thefirstemployers’liabilitylawaffectinginter-Staterailroadswasdeclaredunconstitutional。Wegotthroughanother，whichstoodthetestofthecourts。
Theprincipletowhichweespeciallystrovetogiveexpression，throughtheselawsandthroughexecutiveaction，wasthatarightisvaluelessunlessreducedfromtheabstracttotheconcrete。Thissoundslikeatruism。Sofarfrombeingsuch，theeffortpracticallytoapplyitwasalmostrevolutionary，andgaverisetothebitterestdenunciationofusbyallthebiglawyers，andallthebignewspapereditors，who，whethersincerelyorforhire，gaveexpressiontotheviewsoftheprivilegedclasses。EversincetheCivilWarverymanyofthedecisionsofthecourts，notasregardsordinaryactionsbetweenmanandman，butasregardstheapplicationofgreatgovernmentalpoliciesforsocialandindustrialjustice，hadbeeninrealitynothingbutingeniousjustificationofthetheorythatthesepoliciesweremerehigh-soundingabstractions，andwerenottobegivenpracticaleffect。Thetendencyofthecourtshadbeen，inthemajorityofcases，jealouslytoexerttheirgreatpowerinprotectingthosewholeastneededprotectionandhardlytousetheirpoweratallintheinterestofthosewhomostneededprotection。OurdesirewastomaketheFederalGovernmentefficientasaninstrumentforprotectingtherightsoflaborwithinitsprovince，andthereforetosecureandenforcejudicialdecisionswhichwouldpermitustomakethisdesireeffective。NotonlysomeoftheFederaljudges，butsomeoftheStatecourtsinvokedtheConstitutioninaspiritofthenarrowestlegalisticobstructiontopreventtheGovernmentfromactingindefenseoflaboroninter-Staterailways。Ineffect，thesejudgestooktheviewthatwhileCongresshadcompletepowerasregardsthegoodstransportedbytherailways，andcouldprotectwealthyorwell-to-doownersofthesegoods，yetthatithadnopowertoprotectthelivesofthemenengagedintransportingthegoods。Suchjudgesfreelyissuedinjunctionstopreventtheobstructionoftrafficintheinterestofthepropertyowners，butdeclaredunconstitutionaltheactionoftheGovernmentinseekingtosafeguardthemen，andthefamiliesofthemen，withoutwhoselaborthetrafficcouldnottakeplace。Itwasaninstanceofthelargelyunconsciouswayinwhichthecourtshadbeentwistedintotheexaltationofpropertyrightsoverhumanrights，andthesubordinationofthewelfareofthelaborerwhencomparedwiththeprofitofthemanforwhomhelabored。BywhatI
fearmyconservativefriendsregardedasfrightfullyaggressivemissionarywork，whichincludedsomeuncommonlyplainspeakingastocertainunjustandanti-socialjudicialdecisions，wesucceededinlargely，butbynomeansaltogether，correctingthisview，atleastsofarasthebestandmostenlightenedjudgeswereconcerned。
VerymuchthemostimportantactionItookasregardslaborhadnothingtodowithlegislation，andrepresentedexecutiveactionwhichwasnotrequiredbytheConstitution。ItillustratedaswellasanythingthatIdidthetheorywhichIhavecalledtheJackson-LincolntheoryofthePresidency；thatis，thatoccasionallygreatnationalcrisesarisewhichcallforimmediateandvigorousexecutiveaction，andthatinsuchcasesitisthedutyofthePresidenttoactuponthetheorythatheisthestewardofthepeople，andthattheproperattitudeforhimtotakeisthatheisboundtoassumethathehasthelegalrighttodowhatevertheneedsofthepeopledemand，unlesstheConstitutionorthelawsexplicitlyforbidhimtodoit。
Earlyinthespringof1902auniversalstrikebeganintheanthraciteregions。Theminersandtheoperatorsbecamedeeplyembittered，andthestrikewentonthroughoutthesummerandtheearlyfallwithoutanysignofreachinganend，andwithalmostcompletestoppageofmining。Inmanycities，especiallyintheEast，theheatingapparatusisdesignedforanthracite，sothatthebituminouscoalisonlyaverypartialsubstitute。Moreover，inmanyregions，eveninfarmhouses，manyoftheprovisionsareforburningcoalandnotwood。Inconsequence，thecoalfaminebecameaNationalmenaceasthewinterapproached。InmostbigcitiesandmanyfarmingdistrictseastoftheMississippitheshortageofanthracitethreatenedcalamity。InthepopulousindustrialStates，fromOhioeastward，itwasnotmerelycalamity，butthedirectdisaster，thatwasthreatened。Ordinarilyconservativemen，menverysensitiveastotherightsofpropertyundernormalconditions，whenfacedbythiscrisisfelt，quiterightly，thattheremustbesomeradicalaction。TheGovernorofMassachusettsandtheMayorofNewYorkbothnotifiedme，asthecoldweathercameon，thatifthecoalfaminecontinuedthemiserythroughouttheNortheast，andespeciallyinthegreatcities，wouldbecomeappalling，andtheconsequentpublicdisordersogreatthatfrightfulconsequencesmightfollow。ItisnottoomuchtosaythatthesituationwhichconfrontedPennsylvania，NewYork，andNewEngland，andtoalessdegreetheStatesoftheMiddleWest，inOctober，1902，wasquiteasseriousasiftheyhadbeenthreatenedbytheinvasionofahostilearmyofoverwhelmingforce。
Thebigcoaloperatorshadbandedtogether，andpositivelyrefusedtotakeanystepslookingtowardanaccommodation。Theyknewthatthesufferingamongtheminerswasgreat；theywereconfidentthatiforderwerekept，andnothingfurtherdonebytheGovernment，theywouldwin；andtheyrefusedtoconsiderthatthepublichadanyrightsinthematter。Theywere，forthemostpart，menofunquestionablygoodprivatelife，andtheyweremerelytakingtheextremeindividualisticviewoftherightsofpropertyandthefreedomofindividualactionupheldinthe/laissez-faire/politicaleconomics。
ThemineswereintheStateofPennsylvania。TherewasnodutywhateverlaiduponmebytheConstitutioninthematter，andIhadintheorythepowertoactdirectlyunlesstheGovernorofPennsylvaniaortheLegislature，ifitwereinsession，shouldnotifymethatPennsylvaniacouldnotkeeporder，andrequestmeascommander-in-
chiefofthearmyoftheUnitedStatestointerveneandkeeporder。
AslongasIcouldavoidinterferingIdidso；butIdirectedtheheadoftheLaborBureau，CarrollWright，tomakeathoroughinvestigationandlaythefactsfullybeforeme。AsSeptemberpassedwithoutanysignofweakeningeitheramongtheemployersorthestrikingworkmen，thesituationbecamesogravethatIfeltIwouldhavetotrytodosomething。ThethingmostfeasiblewastogetbothsidestoagreetoaCommissionofArbitration，withapromisetoacceptitsfindings；theminerstogotoworkassoonasthecommissionwasappointed，attheoldrateofwages。Tothispropositiontheminers，headedbyJohnMitchell，agreed，stipulatingonlythatIshouldhavethepowertonametheCommission。Theoperators，however，positivelyrefused。TheyinsistedthatallthatwasnecessarytodowasfortheStatetokeeporder，usingthemilitiaasapoliceforce；althoughboththeyandtheminersaskedmetointerveneundertheInter-StateCommerceLaw，eachsiderequestingthatIproceedagainsttheother，andbothrequestsbeingimpossible。