第22章
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  Butthoughprofitsthusvary,theparityonthewhole,of

  differentmodesofemployingcapital(intheabsenceofany

  naturalorartificialmonopoly)is,inacertain,andavery

  importantsense,maintained。Onanaverage(whatevermaybethe

  occasionalfluctuation)thevariousemploymentsofcapitalareon

  suchafootingastoholdoutnotequalprofits,butequal

  expectationsofprofit,topersonsofaverageabilitiesand

  advantages。Byequal,Imeanaftermakingcompensationforany

  inferiorityintheagreeablenessorsafetyofanemployment。If

  thecasewerenotso;iftherewere,evidently,andtocommon

  experience,morefavourablechancesofpecuniarysuccessinone

  businessthaninothers,morepersonswouldengagetheircapital

  inthebusiness,orwouldbringuptheirsonstoit;whichin

  factalwayshappenswhenabusiness,likethatofanengineerat

  present,orlikeanynewlyestablishedandprosperous

  manufacture,isseentobeagrowingandthrivingone。If,onthe

  contrary,abusinessisnotconsideredthriving;ifthechances

  ofprofitinitarethoughttobeinferiortothoseinother

  employments;capitalgraduallyleavesit,oratleastnewcapital

  isnotattractedtoit;andbythischangeinthedistributionof

  capitalbetweenthelessprofitableandthemoreprofitable

  employments,asortofbalanceisrestored。Theexpectationof

  profit,therefore,indifferentemployments,cannotlongcontinue

  verydifferent:theytendtoacommonaverage,thoughtheyare

  generallyoscillatingfromonesidetotheothersideofthe

  medium。

  Thisequalizingprocess,commonlydescribedasthetransfer

  ofcapitalfromoneemploymenttoanother,isnotnecessarilythe

  onerous,slow,andalmostimpracticableoperationwhichitis

  veryoftenrepresentedtobe。Inthefirstplace,itdoesnot

  alwaysimplytheactualremovalofcapitalalreadyembarkedinan

  employment。Inarapidlyprogressivestateofcapital,the

  adjustmentoftentakesplacebymeansofthenewaccumulationsof

  eachyear,whichdirectthemselvesinpreferencetowardsthemore

  thrivingtrades。Evenwhenarealtransferofcapitalis

  necessary,itisbynomeansimpliedthatanyofthosewhoare

  engagedintheunprofitableemployment,relinquishbusinessand

  breakuptheirestablishments。Thenumerousandmultifarious

  channelsofcredit。throughwhich,incommercialnations,

  unemployedcapitaldiffusesitselfoverthefieldofemployment,

  flowingoveringreaterabundancetothelowerlevels,arethe

  meansbywhichtheequalizationisaccomplished。Theprocess

  consistsinalimitationbyoneclassofdealersorproducers,

  andanextensionbytheother,ofthatportionoftheirbusiness

  whichiscaRedonwithborrowedcapital。Thereisscarcelyany

  dealerorproduceronaconsiderablescale,whoconfineshis

  businesstowhatcanbecarriedonbyhisownfunds。Whentrade

  isgood,henotonlyusestotheutmosthisowncapital,but

  employs,inaddition,muchofthecreditwhichthatcapital

  obtainsforhim。When,eitherfromover—supplyorfromsome

  slackeninginthedemandforhiscommodity,hefindsthatit

  sellsmoreslowlyorobtainsalowerprice,hecontractshis

  operations,anddoesnotapplytobankersorothermoneydealers

  forarenewaloftheiradvancestothesameextentasbefore。A

  businesswhichisincreasingholdsout,onthecontrary,a

  prospectofprofitableemploymentforalargeramountofthis

  floatingcapitalthanpreviously,andthoseengagedinitbecome

  applicantstothemoneydealersforlargeradvances,which,from

  theirimprovingcircumstances,theyhavenodifficultyin

  obtaining。Adifferentdistributionoffloatingcapitalbetween

  twoemploymentshasasmucheffectinrestoringtheirprofitsto

  anequilibrium,asiftheownersofanequalamountofcapital

  weretoabandontheonetradeandcarrytheircapitalintothe

  other。Thiseasy,andasitwerespontaneous,methodof

  accommodatingproductiontodemand,isquitesufficientto

  correctanyinequalitiesarisingfromthefluctuationsoftrade,

  orothercausesofordinaryoccurrence。Inthecaseofan

  altogetherdecliningtrade,inwhichitisnecessarythatthe

  productionshouldbe,notoccasionallyvaried,butgreatlyand

  permanentlydiminished,orperhapsstoppedaltogether,the

  processofextricatingthecapitalis,nodoubt,tardyand

  difficult,andalmostalwaysattendedwithconsiderableloss;

  muchofthecapitalfixedinmachinery,buildings,permanent

  works,&c。beingeithernotapplicabletoanyotherpurpose,or

  onlyapplicableafterexpensivealterations;andtimebeing

  seldomgivenforeffectingthechangeinthemodeinwhichit

  wouldbeeffectedwithleastloss,namely,bynotreplacingthe

  fixedcapitalasitwearsout。Thereisbesides,intotally

  changingthedestinationofacapital,sogreatasacrificeof

  establishedconnexion,andofacquiredskillandexperience,that

  peoplearealwaysveryslowinresolvinguponit,andhardlyever

  dosountillongafterachangeoffortunehasbecomehopeless。

  These,however,aredistinctlyexceptionalcases,andevenin

  thesetheequalizationisatlasteffected。Itmayalsohappen

  thatthereturntoequilibriumisconsiderablyprotracted,when,

  beforeoneinequalityhasbeencorrected,anothercauseof

  inequalityarises;whichissaidtohavebeencontinuallythe

  caseduringalongseriesofyears,withtheproductionofcotton

  intheSouthernStatesofNorthAmerica;thecommodityhaving

  beenupheldatwhatwasvirtuallyamonopolyprice,becausethe

  increaseofdemand,fromsuccessiveimprovementsinthe

  manufacture,wentonwitharapiditysomuchbeyondexpectation

  thatformanyyearsthesupplynevercompletelyovertookit。But

  itisnotoftenthatasuccessionofdisturbingcauses,all

  actinginthesamedirection,areknowntofollowoneanother

  withhardlyanyinterval。Wherethereisnomonopoly,theprofits

  ofatradearelikelytorangesometimesaboveandsometimes

  belowthegenerallevel,buttendingalwaystoreturntoit;like

  theoscillationsofthependulum。

  Ingeneral,then,althoughprofitsareverydifferentto

  differentindividuals,andtothesameindividualindifferent

  years,therecannotbemuchdiversityatthesametimeandplace

  intheaverageprofitsofdifferentemployments,(otherthanthe

  standingdifferencesnecessarytocompensatefordifferenceof

  attractiveness,)exceptforshortperiods,orwhensomegreat

  permanentrevulsionhasovertakenaparticulartrade。Ifany

  popularimpressionexiststhatsometradesaremoreprofitable

  thanothers,independentlyofmonopoly,orofsuchrareaccidents

  ashavebeennoticedinregardtothecottontrade,the

  impressionisinallprobabilityfallacious,sinceifitwere

  sharedbythosewhohavegreatestmeansofknowledgeandmotives

  toaccurateexamination,therewouldtakeplacesuchaninfluxof

  capitalaswouldsoonlowertheprofitstothecommonlevel。It

  istruethat,topersonswiththesameamountoforiginalmeans,

  thereismorechanceofmakingalargefortuneinsome

  employmentsthaninothers。Butitwouldbefoundthatinthose

  sameemployments,bankruptciesalsoaremorefrequent,andthat

  thechanceofgreatersuccessisbalancedbyagreater

  probabilityofcompletefailure。Veryoftenitismorethan

  balanced:for,aswasremarkedinanothercase,thechanceof

  greatprizesoperateswithagreaterdegreeofstrengththan

  arithmeticwillwarrant,inattractingcompetitors;andIdoubt

  notthattheaveragegains,inatradeinwhichlargefortunes

  maybemade,arelowerthaninthoseinwhichgainsareslow,

  thoughcomparativelysure,andinwhichnothingistobe

  ultimatelyhopedforbeyondacompetency。Thetimbertradeof

  Canadaisoneexampleofanemploymentofcapitalpartakingso

  muchofthenatureofalottery,astomakeitanaccredited

  opinionthat,takingtheadventurersintheaggregate,thereis

  moremoneylostbythetradethangainedbyit;inotherwords,

  thattheaveragerateofprofitislessthannothing。Insuch

  pointsasthis,muchdependsonthecharactersofnations,

  accordingastheypartakemoreorlessoftheadventurous,or,as

  itiscalledwhentheintentionistoblameit,thegambling

  spirit。ThisspiritismuchstrongerintheUnitedStatesthanin

  GreatBritain;andinGreatBritainthaninanycountryofthe

  Continent。InsomeContinentalcountriesthetendencyissomuch

  thereverse,thatsafeandquietemploymentsprobablyyielda

  lessaverageprofittothecapitalengagedinthem,thanthose

  whichoffergreatergainsatthepriceofgreaterhazards。

  Itmustnothoweverbeforgotten,thateveninthecountries

  ofmostactivecompetition,customalsohasaconsiderableshare

  indeterminingtheprofitsoftrade。Thereissometimesanidea

  afloatastowhattheprofitofanemploymentshouldbe,which

  thoughnotadheredtobyallthedealers,norperhapsrigidlyby

  any,stillexercisesacertaininfluenceovertheiroperations。

  TherehasbeeninEnglandakindofnotion,howwidelyprevailing

  Iknownot,thatfiftypercentisaproperandsuitablerateof

  profitinretailtransactions:understand,notfiftypercenton

  thewholecapital,butanadvanceoffiftypercentonthe

  wholesaleprices;fromwhichhavetobedefrayedbaddebts,shop

  rent,thepayofclerks,shopmen,andagentsofalldescriptions,

  inshortalltheexpensesoftheretailbusiness。Ifthiscustom

  wereuniversal,andstrictlyadheredto,competitionindeedwould

  stilloperate,buttheconsumerwouldnotderiveanybenefitfrom

  it,atleastastoprice;thewayinwhichitwoulddiminishthe

  advantagesofthoseengagedintheretailtrade,wouldbebya

  greatersubdivisionofthebusiness。Insomepartsofthe

  Continentthestandardisashighasahundredpercent。The

  increaseofcompetitionhowever,inEnglandatleast,israpidly

  tendingtobreakdowncustomsofthisdescription。Inthe

  majorityoftrades(atleastinthegreatemporiaoftrade),

  therearenownumerousdealerswhosemottois,\"smallgainsand

  frequent\"——agreatbusinessatlowprices,ratherthanhigh

  pricesandfewtransactions;andbyturningovertheircapital

  morerapidly,andaddingtoitbyborrowedcapitalwhenneeded,

  thedealersoftenobtainindividuallyhigherprofits;thoughthey

  necessarilylowertheprofitsofthoseamongtheircompetitors,

  whodonotadoptthesameprinciple。Nevertheless,competition,

  asremarked(2*)inapreviouschapter,has,asyet,butalimited

  dominionoverretailprices;andconsequentlytheshareofthe

  wholeproduceoflandandlabourwhichisabsorbedinthe

  remunerationofmeredistributors,continuesexorbitant;and

  thereisnofunctionintheeconomyofsocietywhichsupportsa

  numberofpersonssodisproportionedtotheamountofworktobe

  performed。

  5。Theprecedingremarkshave,Ihope,sufficiently

  elucidatedwhatismeantbythecommonphrase,\"theordinaryrate

  ofprofit;\"andthesenseinwhich,andthelimitationsunder

  which,thisordinaryratehasarealexistence。Itnowremainsto

  consider,whatcausesdetermineitsamount。

  Topopularapprehensionitseemsasiftheprofitsof

  businessdependeduponprices。Aproducerordealerseemsto

  obtainhisprofitsbysellinghiscommodityformorethanitcost

  him。Profitaltogether,peopleareapttothink,isaconsequence

  ofpurchaseandsale。Itisonly(theysuppose)becausethereare

  purchasersforacommodity,thattheproducerofitisableto

  makeanyprofit。Demand——customers——amarketforthe

  commodity,arethecauseofthegainsofcapitalists。Itisby

  thesaleoftheirgoods,thattheyreplacetheircapital,andadd

  toitsamount。

  This,however,islookingonlyattheoutsidesurfaceofthe

  economicalmachineryofsociety。Innocase,wefind,isthemere

  moneywhichpassesfromonepersontoanother,thefundamental

  matterinanyeconomicalphenomenon。Ifwelookmorenarrowly

  intotheoperationsoftheproducer,weshallperceivethatthe

  moneyheobtainsforhiscommodityisnotthecauseofhishaving

  aprofit,butonlythemodeinwhichhisprofitispaidtohim。

  Thecauseofprofitis,thatlabourproducesmorethanis

  requiredforitssupport。Thereasonwhyagriculturalcapital

  yieldsaprofit,isbecausehumanbeingscangrowmorefood,than

  isnecessarytofeedthemwhileitisbeinggrown,includingthe

  timeoccupiedinconstructingthetools,andmakingallother

  needfulpreparations:fromwhichitisaconsequence,thatifa

  capitalistundertakestofeedthelabourersonconditionof

  receivingtheproduce,hehassomeofitremainingforhimself

  afterreplacinghisadvances。Tovarytheformofthetheorem:

  thereasonwhycapitalyieldsaprofit,isbecausefood,

  clothing,materials,andtools,lastlongerthanthetimewhich

  wasrequiredtoproducethem;sothatifacapitalistsuppliesa

  partyoflabourerswiththesethings,onconditionofreceiving

  alltheyproduce,theywill,inadditiontoreproducingtheirown

  necessariesandinstruments,haveaportionoftheirtime

  remaining,toworkforthecapitalist。Wethusseethatprofit

  arises,notfromtheincidentofexchange,butfromthe

  productivepoweroflabour;andthegeneralprofitofthecountry

  isalwayswhattheproductivepoweroflabourmakesit,whether

  anyexchangetakesplaceornot。Iftherewerenodivisionof

  employments,therewouldbenobuyingorselling,buttherewould

  stillbeprofit。Ifthelabourersofthecountrycollectively

  producetwentypercentmorethantheirwages,profitswillbe

  twentypercent,whateverpricesmayormaynotbe。Theaccidents

  ofpricemayforatimemakeonesetofproducersgetmorethan

  thetwentypercent,andanotherless,theonecommoditybeing

  ratedaboveitsnaturalvalueinrelationtoothercommodities,

  andtheotherbelow,untilpriceshaveagainadjustedthemselves;

  buttherewillalwaysbejusttwentypercentdividedamongthem

  all。

  Iproceed,inexpansionoftheconsiderationsthusbriefly

  indicated,toexhibitmoreminutelythemodeinwhichtherateof

  profitisdetermined。

  6。Iassume,throughout,thestateofthings,which,where

  thelabourersandcapitalistsareseparateclasses,prevails,

  withfewexceptions,universally;namely,thatthecapitalist

  advancesthewholeexpenses,includingtheentireremunerationof

  thelabourer。Thatheshoulddoso,isnotamatterofinherent

  necessity;thelabourermightwaituntiltheproductionis

  complete,forallthatpartofhiswageswhichexceedsmere

  necessaries;andevenforthewhole,ifhehasfundsinhand,

  sufficientforhistemporarysupport。Butinthelattercase,the

  laboureristothatextentreallyacapitalist,investingcapital

  intheconcern,bysupplyingaportionofthefundsnecessaryfor

  carryingiton;andevenintheformercasehemaybelookedupon

  inthesamelight,since,contributinghislabouratlessthan

  themarketprice,hemayberegardedaslendingthedifferenceto

  hisemployer,andreceivingitbackwithinterest(onwhatever

  principlecomputed)fromtheproceedsoftheenterprise。

  Thecapitalist,then,maybeassumedtomakeallthe

  advances,andreceivealltheproduce。Hisprofitconsistsofthe

  excessoftheproduceabovetheadvances;hisrateofprofitis

  theratiowhichthatexcessbearstotheamountadvanced。But

  whatdotheadvancesconsistof?

  Itis,forthepresent,necessarytosuppose,thatthe

  capitalistdoesnotpayanyrent;hasnottopurchasetheuseof

  anyappropriatednaturalagent。Thisindeedisscarcelyeverthe

  exacttruth。Theagriculturalcapitalist,exceptwhenheisthe

  ownerofthesoilhecultivates,always,oralmostalways,pays

  rent:andeveninmanufactures,(nottomentionground—rent,)the

  materialsofthemanufacturehavegenerallypaidrent,insome

  stageoftheirproduction。Thenatureofrent,however,wehave

  notyettakenintoconsideration;anditwillhereafterappear,

  thatnopracticalerror,onthequestionwearenowexamining,is

  producedbydisregardingit。

  If,then,leavingrentoutofthequestion,weinquirein

  whatitisthattheadvancesofthecapitalist,forpurposesof

  production,consist,weshallfindthattheyconsistofwagesof

  labour。

  Alargeportionoftheexpenditureofeverycapitalist

  consistsinthedirectpaymentofwages。Whatdoesnotconsistof

  this,iscomposedofmaterialsandimplements,including

  buildings。Butmaterialsandimplementsareproducedbylabour;

  andasoursupposedcapitalistisnotmeanttorepresentasingle

  employment,buttobeatypeoftheproductiveindustryofthe

  wholecountry,wemaysupposethathemakeshisowntools,and

  raiseshisownmaterials。Hedoesthisbymeansofprevious

  advances,which,again,consistwhollyofwages。Ifwesuppose

  himtobuythematerialsandtoolsinsteadofproducingthem,the

  caseisnotaltered:hethenrepaystoapreviousproducerthe

  wageswhichthatpreviousproducerhaspaid。Itistrue,he

  repaysittohimwithaprofit;andifhehadproducedthethings

  himself,hehimselfmusthavehadthatprofit,onthispartof

  hisoutlay,aswellasoneveryotherpart。Thefact,however,

  remains,thatinthewholeprocessofproduction,beginningwith

  thematerialsandtools,andendingwiththefinishedproduct,

  alltheadvanceshaveconsistedofnothingbutwages;exceptthat

  certainofthecapitalistsconcernedhave,forthesakeof

  generalconvenience,hadtheirshareofprofitpaidtothem

  beforetheoperationwascompleted。Whatever,oftheultimate

  product,isnotprofit,isrepaymentofwages。

  7。Itthusappearsthatthetwoelementsonwhich,andwhich

  alone,thegainsofthecapitalistsdepend,are,first,the

  magnitudeoftheproduce,inotherwords,theproductivepowerof

  labour;andsecondly,theproportionofthatproduceobtainedby

  thelabourersthemselves;theratio,whichtheremunerationof

  thelabourersbearstotheamounttheyproduce。Thesetwothings

  formthedatafordeterminingthegrossamountdividedasprofit

  amongallthecapitalistsofthecountry;buttherateofprofit,

  thepercentageonthecapital,dependsonlyonthesecondofthe

  twoelements,the1abourer’sproportionalshare,andnotonthe

  amounttobeshared。Iftheproduceoflabourweredoubled,and

  thelabourersobtainedthesameproportionalshareasbefore,

  thatis,iftheirremunerationwasalsodoubled,thecapitalists,

  itistrue,wouldgaintwiceasmuch;butastheywouldalsohave

  hadtoadvancetwiceasmuch,therateoftheirprofitwouldbe

  onlythesameasbefore。

  WethusarriveattheconclusionofRicardoandothers,that

  therateofprofitsdependsonwages;risingaswagesfall,and

  fallingaswagesrise。Inadopting,however,thisdoctrine,I

  mustinsistuponmakingamostnecessaryalterationinits

  wording。Insteadofsayingthatprofitsdependonwages,letus

  say(whatRicardoreallymeant)thattheydependonthecostof

  labour。

  Wages,andthecostoflabour;whatlabourbringsintothe

  labourer,andwhatitcoststothecapitalist;areideasquite

  distinct,andwhichitisoftheutmostimportancetokeepso。

  Forthispurposeitisessentialnottodesignatethem,asis

  almostalwaysdone,bythesamename。Wages,inpublic

  discussions,bothoralandprinted,beinglookeduponfromthe

  pointofviewofthepayers,muchoftenerthanfromthatofthe

  receivers,nothingismorecommonthantosaythatwagesarehigh

  orlow,meaningonlythatthecostoflabourishighorlow。The

  reverseofthiswouldbeoftenerthetruth:thecostoflabouris

  frequentlyatitshighestwherewagesarelowest。Thismayarise

  fromtwocauses。Inthefirstplace,thelabour,thoughcheap,

  maybeinefficient。InnoEuropeancountryarewagessolowas

  theyare(oratleastwere)inIreland:theremunerationofan

  agriculturallabourerinthewestofIrelandnotbeingmorethan

  halfthewagesofeventhelowest—paidEnglishman,the

  Dorsetshirelabourer。Butif,frominferiorskillandindustry,

  twodays’labourofanIrishmanaccomplishednomoreworkthanan

  Englishlabourerperformedinone,theIrishman’slabourcostas

  muchastheEnglishman’s,thoughitbroughtinsomuchlessto

  himself。Thecapitalist’sprofitisdeterminedbytheformerof

  thesetwothings,notthelatter。Thatadifferencetothis

  extentreallyexistedintheefficiencyofthelabour,isproved

  notonlybyabundanttestimony,butbythefact,that

  notwithstandingthelownessofwages,profitsofcapitalarenot

  understoodtohavebeenhigherinIrelandthaninEngland。

  Theothercausewhichrenderswages,andthecostoflabour,

  norealcriteriaofoneanother,isthevaryingcostlinessofthe

  articleswhichthelabourerconsumes。Ifthesearecheap,wages,

  inthesensewhichisofimportancetothelabourer,maybehigh,

  andyetthecostoflabourmaybelow;ifdear,thelabourermay

  bewretchedlyoff,thoughhislabourmaycostmuchtothe

  capitalist。Thislastistheconditionofacountryover—peopled

  inrelationtoitsland;inwhich,foodbeingdear,thepoorness

  ofthelabourer’srealrewarddoesnotpreventlabourfrom

  costingmuchtothepurchaser,andlowwagesandlowprofits

  co—exist。TheoppositecaseisexemplifiedintheUnitedStates

  ofAmerica。Thelabourerthereenjoysagreaterabundanceof

  comfortsthaninanyothercountryoftheworld,exceptsomeof

  thenewestcolonies;butowingtothecheappriceatwhichthese

  comfortscanbeobtained(combinedwiththegreatefficiencyof

  thelabour),thecostoflabourtothecapitalistisatleastnot

  higher,northerateofprofitlower,thaninEurope。

  Thecostoflabour,then,is,inthelanguageofmathematics,

  afunctionofthreevariables:theefficiencyoflabour;the

  wagesoflabour(meaningtherebytherealrewardofthe

  labourer);andthegreaterorlesscostatwhichthearticles

  composingthatrealrewardcanbeproducedorprocured。Itis

  plainthatthecostoflabourtothecapitalistmustbe

  influencedbyeachofthesethreecircumstances,andbyno

  others。These,therefore,arealsothecircumstanceswhich

  determinetherateofprofit;anditcannotbeinanyway

  affectedexceptthroughoneorotherofthem。Iflabourgenerally

  becamemoreefficient,withoutbeingmorehighlyrewarded;if,

  withoutitsbecominglessefficient,itsremunerationfell,no

  increasetakingplaceinthecostofthearticlescomposingthat

  remuneration;orifthosearticlesbecamelesscostly,without

  thelabourer’sobtainingmoreofthem;inanyoneofthesethree

  cases,profitswouldrise。If,onthecontrary,labourbecame

  lessefficient(asitmightdofromdiminishedbodilyvigourin

  thepeople,destructionoffixedcapital,ordeteriorated

  education);orifthelabourerobtainedahigherremuneration,

  withoutanyincreasedcheapnessinthethingscomposingit;or

  if,withouthisobtainingmore,thatwhichhedidobtainbecame

  morecostly;profits,inallthesecases,wouldsuffera

  diminution。Andthereisnoothercombinationofcircumstances,

  inwhichthegeneralrateofprofitofacountry,inall

  employmentsindifferently,caneitherfallorrise。

  Theevidenceofthesepropositionscanonlybestated

  generally,though,itishoped,conclusively,inthisstageof

  oursubject。Itwillcomeoutingreaterfulnessandforcewhen,

  havingtakenintoconsiderationthetheoryofValueandPrice,we

  shallbeenabledtoexhibitthelawofprofitsintheconcrete——

  inthecomplexentanglementofcircumstancesinwhichitactually

  works。ThiscanonlybedoneintheensuingBook。Onetopicstill

  remainstobediscussedinthepresentone,sofarasitadmits

  ofbeingtreatedindependentlyofconsiderationsofValue;the

  subjectofRent;towhichwenowproceed。

  NOTES:

  1。Itistoberegrettedthatthisword,inthissense,isnot

  familiartoanEnglishear。Frenchpoliticaleconomistsenjoya

  greatadvantageinbeingabletospeakcurrentlyoflesprofits

  del’entrpreneur。

  2。Videsupra,bookii。ch。iv。sect。3。

  ThePrinciplesofPoliticalEconomy

  byJohnStuartMill

  Book2,Chapter16

  OfRent

  1。Therequisitesofproductionbeinglabour,capital,and

  naturalagents;theonlyperson,besidesthelabourerandthe

  capitalist,whoseconsentisnecessarytoproduction,andwhocan

  claimashareoftheproduceasthepriceofthatconsent,isthe

  personwho,bythearrangementsofsociety,possessesexclusive

  poweroversomenaturalagent。Thelandistheprincipalofthe

  naturalagentswhicharecapableofbeingappropriated,andthe

  considerationpaidforitsuseiscalledrent。Landedproprietors

  aretheonlyclass,ofanynumberorimportance,whohaveaclaim

  toashareinthedistributionoftheproduce,throughtheir

  ownershipofsomethingwhichneithertheynoranyoneelsehave

  produced。Iftherebeanyothercasesofasimilarnature,they

  willbeeasilyunderstood,whenthenatureandlawsofrentare

  comprehended。

  Itisatonceevident,thatrentistheeffectofamonopoly;

  thoughthemonopolyisanaturalone,whichmayberegulated,

  whichmayevenbeheldasatrustforthecommunitygenerally,

  butwhichcannotbepreventedfromexisting。Thereasonwhy

  landownersareabletorequirerentfortheirland,isthatitis

  acommoditywhichmanywant,andwhichnoonecanobtainbutfrom

  them。Ifallthelandofthecountrybelongedtooneperson,he

  couldfixtherentathispleasure。Thewholepeoplewouldbe

  dependentonhiswillforthenecessariesoflife,andhemight

  makewhatconditionshechose。Thisistheactualstateofthings

  inthoseOrientalkingdomsinwhichthelandisconsideredthe

  propertyofthestate。Rentisthenconfoundedwithtaxation,and

  thedespotmayexacttheutmostwhichtheunfortunatecultivators

  havetogive。Indeed,theexclusivepossessorofthelandofa

  countrycouldnotwellbeotherthandespotofit。Theeffect

  wouldbemuchthesameifthelandbelongedtosofewpeople,

  thattheycould,anddid,acttogetherasoneman,andfixthe

  rentbyagreementamongthemselves。Thiscase,however,is

  nowhereknowntoexist:andtheonlyremainingsuppositionis

  thatoffreecompetition;thelandownersbeingsupposedtobe,as

  infacttheyare,toonumeroustocombine。

  2。Athingwhichislimitedinquantity,eventhoughits

  possessorsdonotactinconcert,isstillamonopolizedarticle。

  Butevenwhenmonopolized,athingwhichisthegiftofnature,

  andrequiresnolabouroroutlayastheconditionofits

  existence,will,iftherebecompetitionamongtheholdersofit,

  commandaprice,onlyifitexistsinlessquantitythanthe

  demand。Ifthewholelandofacountrywererequiredfor

  cultivation,allofitmightyieldarent。Butinnocountryof

  anyextentdothewantsofthepopulationrequirethatallthe

  land,whichiscapableofcultivation,shouldbecultivated。The

  foodandotheragriculturalproducewhichthepeopleneed,and

  whichtheyarewillingandabletopayforatapricewhich

  remuneratesthegrower,mayalwaysbeobtainedwithout

  cultivatingalltheland;sometimeswithoutcultivatingmorethan

  asmallpartofit;thelandsmosteasilycultivatedbeing

  preferredinaveryearlystageofsociety;themostfertile,or

  thoseinthemostconvenientsituations,inamoreadvanced

  state。Thereisalways,therefore,somelandwhichcannot,in

  existingcircumstances,payanyrent;andnolandeverpaysrent,

  unless,inpointoffertilityorsituation,itbelongstothose

  superiorkindswhichexistinlessquantitythanthedemand—which

  cannotbemadetoyieldalltheproducerequiredforthe

  community,unlessontermsstilllessadvantageousthanthe

  resorttolessfavouredsoils。

  Thereisland,suchasthedesertsofArabia,whichwill

  yieldnothingtoanyamountoflabour;andthereisland,like

  someofourhardsandyheaths,whichwouldproducesomething,

  but,inthepresentstateofthesoil,notenoughtodefraythe

  expensesofproduction。Suchlands,unlessbysomeapplicationof

  chemistrytoagriculturestillremainingtobeinvented,cannot

  becultivatedforprofit,unlesssomeoneactuallycreatesa

  soil,byspreadingnewingredientsoverthesurface,ormixing

  themwiththeexistingmaterials。Ifingredientsfittedforthis

  purposeexistinthesubsoil,orcloseathand,theimprovement

  evenofthemostunpromisingspotsmayanswerasaspeculation:

  butifthoseingredientsarecostly,andmustbebroughtfroma

  distance,itwillseldomanswertodothisforthesakeof

  profit,thoughthe\"magicofproperty\"willsometimeseffectit。

  Landwhichcannotpossiblyyieldaprofit,issometimes

  cultivatedataloss,thecultivatorshavingtheirwants

  partiallysuppliedfromothersources;asinthecaseofpaupers,

  andsomemonasteriesorcharitableinstitutions,amongwhichmay

  bereckonedthePoorColoniesofBelgium。Theworstlandwhich

  canbecultivatedasameansofsubsistence,isthatwhichwill

  justreplacetheseed,andthefoodofthelabourersemployedon

  it,togetherwithwhatDr。Chalmerscallstheirsecondaries;that

  is,thelabourersrequiredforsupplyingthemwithtools,and

  withtheremainingnecessariesoflife。Whetheranygivenlandis

  capableofdoingmorethanthis,isnotaquestionofpolitical

  economy,butofphysicalfact。Thesuppositionleavesnothingfor

  profits,noranythingforthelabourersexceptnecessaries:the

  land,therefore,canonlybecultivatedbythelabourers

  themselves,orelseatapecuniaryloss:andafortiori,cannot

  inanycontingencyaffordarent。Theworstlandwhichcanbe

  cultivatedasaninvestmentforcapital,isthatwhich,after

  replacingtheseed,notonlyfeedstheagriculturallabourersand

  theirsecondaries,butaffordsthemthecurrentrateofwages,

  whichmayextendtomuchmorethanmerenecessaries;andleaves

  forthosewhohaveadvancedthewagesofthesetwoclassesof

  labourers,asurplusequaltotheprofittheycouldhaveexpected

  fromanyotheremploymentoftheircapital。Whetheranygiven

  landcandomorethanthis,isnotmerelyaphysicalquestion,

  butdependspartlyonthemarketvalueofagriculturalproduce。

  Whatthelandcandoforthelabourersandforthecapitalist,

  beyondfeedingallwhomitdirectlyorindirectlyemploys,of

  coursedependsuponwhattheremainderoftheproducecanbesold

  for。Thehigherthemarketvalueofproduce,thelowerarethe

  soilstowhichcultivationcandescend,consistentlywith

  affordingtothecapitalemployed,theordinaryrateofprofit。

  As,however,differencesoffertilityslideintooneanother

  byinsensiblegradations;anddifferencesofaccessibility,that

  is,ofdistancefrommarkets,dothesame;andsincethereis

  landsobarrenthatitcouldnotpayforitscultivationatany

  price;itisevidentthat,whateverthepricemaybe,theremust

  inanyextensiveregionbesomelandwhichatthatpricewill

  justpaythewagesofthecultivators,andyieldtothecapital

  employedtheordinaryprofit,andnomore。Until,therefore,the

  priceriseshigher,oruntilsomeimprovementraisesthat

  particularlandtoahigherplaceinthescaleoffertility,it

  cannotpayanyrent。Itisevident,however,thatthecommunity

  needstheproduceofthisqualityofland;sinceifthelands

  morefertileorbettersituatedthanit,couldhavesufficedto

  supplythewantsofsociety,thepricewouldnothaverisenso

  highastorenderitscultivationprofitable。Thisland,

  therefore,willbecultivated;andwemaylayitdownasa

  principlethatsolongasanyofthelandofacountrywhichis

  fitforcultivation,andnotwithheldfromitbylegalorother

  factitiousobstacles,isnotcultivated,theworstlandinactual

  cultivation(inpointoffertilityandsituationtogether)pays

  norent。

  3。If,then,ofthelandincultivation,thepartwhich

  yieldsleastreturntothelabourandcapitalemployedonit

  givesonlytheordinaryprofitofcapital,withoutleaving

  anythingforrent;astandardisaffordedforestimatingthe

  amountofrentwhichwillbeyieldedbyallotherland。Anyland

  yieldsjustasmuchmorethantheordinaryprofitsofstock,as

  ityieldsmorethanwhatisreturnedbytheworstlandin

  cultivation。Thesurplusiswhatthefarmercanaffordtopayas

  renttothelandlord;andsince,ifhedidnotsopayit,he

  wouldreceivemorethantheordinaryrateofprofit,the

  competitionofothercapitalists,thatcompetitionwhich

  equalizestheprofitsofdifferentcapitals,willenablethe

  landlordtoappropriateit。Therent,therefore,whichanyland

  willyield,istheexcessofitsproduce,beyondwhatwouldbe

  returnedtothesamecapitalifemployedontheworstlandin

  cultivation。Thisisnot,andneverwaspretendedtobe,the

  limitofmetayerrents,orofcottierrents;butitisthelimit

  offarmers’rents。Nolandrentedtoacapitalistfarmerwill

  permanentlyyieldmorethanthis;andwhenityieldsless,itis

  becausethelandlordforegoesapartofwhat,ifhechose,he

  couldobtain。

  Thisisthetheoryofrent,firstpropoundedattheendof

  thelastcenturybyDr。Anderson,andwhich,neglectedatthe

  time,wasalmostsimultaneouslyrediscovered,twentyyearslater,

  bySirEdwardWest,Mr。Malthus,andMr。Ricardo。Itisoneof

  thecardinaldoctrinesofpoliticaleconomy;anduntilitwas

  understood,noconsistentexplanationcouldbegivenofmanyof

  themorecomplicatedindustrialphenomena。Theevidenceofits

  truthwillbemanifestedwithagreatincreaseofclearness,when

  wecometotracethelawsofthephenomenaofValueandPrice。

  Untilthatisdone,itisnotpossibletofreethedoctrinefrom

  everydifficultywhichmaypresentitself,norperhapstoconvey,

  tothosepreviouslyunacquaintedwiththesubject,morethana

  generalapprehensionofthereasoningbywhichthetheoremis

  arrivedat。Some,however,oftheobjectionscommonlymadetoit,

  admitofacompleteanswereveninthepresentstageofour

  inquiries。

  Ithasbeendeniedthattherecanbeanylandincultivation

  whichpaysnorent;becauselandlords(itiscontended)wouldnot

  allowtheirlandtobeoccupiedwithoutpayment。Thosewholay

  anystressonthisasanobjection,mustthinkthatlandofthe

  qualitywhichcanbutjustpayforitscultivation,liestogether

  inlargemasses,detachedfromanylandofbetterquality。Ifan

  estateconsistedwhollyofthisland,orofthisandstillworse,

  itislikelyenoughthattheownerwouldnotgivetheuseofit

  fornothing;hewouldprobably(ifarichman)preferkeepingit

  forotherpurposes,asforexercise,orornament,orperhapsasa

  gamepreserve。Nofarmercouldaffordtoofferhimanythingfor

  it,forpurposesofculture;thoughsomethingwouldprobablybe

  obtainedfortheuseofitsnaturalpasture,orotherspontaneous

  produce。Evensuchland,however,wouldnotnecessarilyremain

  uncultivated。Itmightbefarmedbytheproprietor;nounfrequent

  caseeveninEngland。Portionsofitmightbegrantedas

  temporaryallotmentstolabouringfamilies,eitherfrom

  philanthropicmotives,ortosavethepoor—rate;oroccupation

  mightbeallowedtosquatters,freeofrent,inthehopethat

  theirlabourmightgiveitvalueatsomefutureperiod。Both

  thesecasesareofquiteordinaryoccurrence。Sothatevenifan

  estatewerewhollycomposedoftheworstlandcapableof

  profitablecultivation,itwouldnotnecessarilylieuncultivated

  becauseitcouldpaynorent。Inferiorland,however,doesnot

  usuallyoccupy,withoutinterruption,manysquaremilesof

  ground;itisdispersedhereandthere,withpatchesofbetter

  landintermixed,andthesamepersonwhorentsthebetterland,

  obtainsalongwithitinferiorsoilswhichalternatewithit。He

  paysarent,nominallyforthewholefarm,butcalculatedonthe

  produceofthesepartsalone(howeversmallaportionofthe

  whole)whicharecapableofreturningmorethanthecommonrate

  ofprofit。Itisthusscientificallytrue,thattheremaining

  partspaynorent。

  4。Letus,however,supposethattherewereavalidityin

  thisobjection,whichcanbynomeansbeconcededtoit;that

  whenthedemandofthecommunityhadforcedupfoodtosucha

  priceaswouldremuneratetheexpenseofproducingitfroma

  certainquantityofsoil,ithappenedneverthelessthatallthe

  soilofthatqualitywaswithheldfromcultivation,bythe

  obstinacyoftheownersindemandingarentforit,notnominal,

  nortrifling,butsufficientlyoneroustobeamaterialitemin

  thecalculationsofafarmer。Whatwouldthenhappen?Merelythat

  theincreaseofproduce,whichthewantsofsocietyrequired,

  wouldforthetimebeobtainedwholly(asitalwaysis

  partially),notbyanextensionofcultivation,butbyan

  increasedapplicationoflabourandcapitaltolandalready

  cultivated。

  Nowwehavealreadyseenthatthisincreasedapplicationof

  capital,otherthingsbeingunaltered,isalwaysattendedwitha

  smallerproportionalreturn。Wearenottosupposesomenew

  agriculturalinventionmadepreciselyatthisjuncture;nora

  suddenextensionofagriculturalskillandknowledge,bringing

  intomoregeneralpractice,justthen,inventionsalreadyin

  partialuse。Wearetosupposenochange,exceptademandfor

  morecorn,andaconsequentriseofitsprice。Theriseofprice

  enablesmeasurestobetakenforincreasingtheproduce,which

  couldnothavebeentakenwithprofitatthepreviousprice。The

  farmerusesmoreexpensivemanures;ormanureslandwhichhe

  formerlylefttonature;orprocureslimeormarlfroma

  distance,asadressingforthesoil;orpulverizesorweedsit

  morethoroughly;ordrains,irrigates,orsubsoilsportionsof

  it,whichatformerpriceswouldnothavepaidthecostofthe

  operation;andsoforth。Thesethings,orsomeofthem,aredone,

  when,morefoodbeingwanted,cultivationhasnomeansof

  expandingitselfuponnewlands。Andwhentheimpulseisgivento

  extractanincreasedamountofproducefromthesoil,thefarmer

  orimproverwillonlyconsiderwhethertheoutlayhemakesfor

  thepurposewillbereturnedtohimwiththeordinaryprofit,and

  notwhetheranysurpluswillremainforrent。Even,therefore,if

  itwerethefact,thatthereisneveranylandtakeninto

  cultivation,forwhichrent,andthattooofanamountworth

  takingintoconsideration,wasnotpaid;itwouldbetrue,

  nevertheless,thatthereisalwayssomeagriculturalcapital

  whichpaysnorent,becauseitreturnsnothingbeyondthe

  ordinaryrateofprofit:thiscapitalbeingtheportionof

  capitallastapplied—thattowhichthelastadditiontothe

  producewasdue:or(toexpresstheessentialsofthecaseinone

  phrase),thatwhichisappliedintheleastfavourable

  circumstances。Butthesameamountofdemand,andthesameprice,

  whichenablethisleastproductiveportionofcapitalbarelyto

  replaceitselfwiththeordinaryprofit,enableeveryother

  portiontoyieldasurplusproportionedtotheadvantageit

  possesses。Andthissurplusitis,whichcompetitionenablesthe

  landlordtoappropriate。Therentofalllandismeasuredbythe

  excessofthereturntothewholecapitalemployedonit,above

  whatisnecessarytoreplacethecapitalwiththeordinaryrate

  ofprofit,orinotherwords,abovewhatthesamecapitalwould

  yieldifitwereallemployedinasdisadvantageouscircumstances

  astheleastproductiveportionofit;whetherthatleast

  productiveportionofcapitalisrenderedsobybeingemployedon

  theworstsoil,orbybeingexpendedinextortingmoreproduce

  fromlandwhichalreadyyieldedasmuchasitcouldbemadeto

  partwithoneasierterms。

  Itisnotpretendedthatthefactsofanyconcretecase

  conformwithabsoluteprecisiontothisoranyotherscientific

  principle。Wemustneverforgetthatthetruthsofpolitical

  economyaretruthsonlyintherough:theyhavethecertainty,

  butnottheprecision,ofexactscience。Itisnot,forexample,

  strictlytruethatafarmerwillcultivatenoland,andapplyno

  capital,whichreturnslessthantheordinaryprofit。Hewill

  expecttheordinaryprofitonthebulkofhiscapital。Butwhen

  hehascastinhislotwithhisfarm,andbarteredhisskilland

  exertions,onceforall,againstwhatthefarmwillyieldtohim,

  hewillprobablybewillingtoexpendcapitalonit(foran

  immediatereturn)inanymannerwhichwillaffordhimasurplus

  profit,howeversmall,beyondthevalueoftherisk,andthe

  interestwhichhemustpayforthecapitalifborrowed,orcan

  getforitelsewhereifitishisown。Butanewfarmer,entering

  ontheland,wouldmakehiscalculationsdifferently,andwould

  notcommenceunlesshecouldexpectthefullrateofordinary

  profitonallthecapitalwhichheintendedembarkinginthe

  enterprise。Again,pricesmayrangehigherorlowerduringthe

  currencyofalease,thanwasexpectedwhenthecontractwas

  made,andtheland,therefore,maybeoverorunder—rented:and

  evenwhentheleaseexpires,thelandlordmaybeunwillingto

  grantanecessarydiminutionofrent,andthefarmer,ratherthan

  relinquishhisoccupation,orseekafarmelsewherewhenallare

  occupied,mayconsenttogoonpayingtoohigharent。

  Irregularitieslikethesewemustalwaysexpect;itisimpossible

  inpoliticaleconomytoobtaingeneraltheoremsembracingthe

  complicationsofcircumstanceswhichmayaffecttheresultinan

  individualcase。When,too,thefarmerclass,havingbutlittle

  capital,cultivateforsubsistenceratherthanforprofit,anddo

  notthinkofquittingtheirfarmwhiletheyareabletoliveby

  it,theirrentsapproximatetothecharacterofcottierrents,

  andmaybeforcedupbycompetition(ifthenumberofcompetitors

  exceedsthenumberoffarms)beyondtheamountwhichwillleave

  tothefarmertheordinaryrateofprofit。Thelawswhichweare

  enabledtolaydownrespectingrents,profits,wages,prices,are

  onlytrueinsofarasthepersonsconcernedarefreefromthe

  influenceofanyothermotivesthanthosearisingfromthe

  generalcircumstancesofthecase,andareguided,astothose,

  bytheordinarymercantileestimateofprofitandloss。Applying

  thistwofoldsuppositiontothecaseoffarmersandlandlords,it

  willbetruethatthefarmerrequirestheordinaryrateofprofit

  onthewholeofhiscapital;thatwhateveritreturnstohim

  beyondthisheisobligedtopaytothelandlord,butwillnot

  consenttopaymore;thatthereisaportionofcapitalapplied

  toagricultureinsuchcircumstancesofproductivenessasto

  yieldonlytheordinaryprofits;andthatthedifferencebetween

  theproduceofthis,andanyothercapitalofsimilaramount,is

  themeasureofthetributewhichthatothercapitalcanandwill

  pay,underthenameofrent,tothelandlord。Thisconstitutesa

  lawofrent,asnearthetruthassuchalawcanpossiblybe:

  thoughofcoursemodifiedordisturbedinindividualcases,by

  pendingcontracts,individualmiscalculations,theinfluenceof

  habit,andeventheparticularfeelingsanddispositionsofthe

  personsconcerned。

  5。Aremarkisoftenmade,whichmustnotherebeomitted,

  though,Ithink,moreimportancehasbeenattachedtoitthanit

  merits。Underthenameofrent,manypaymentsarecommonly

  included,whicharenotaremunerationfortheoriginalpowersof

  thelanditself,butforcapitalexpendedonit。Theadditional

  rentwhichlandyieldsinconsequenceofthisoutlayofcapital,

  should,intheopinionofsomewriters,beregardedasprofit,

  notrent。Butbeforethiscanbeadmitted,adistinctionmustbe

  made。Theannualpaymentbyatenantalmostalwaysincludesa

  considerationfortheuseofthebuildingsonthefarm;notonly

  barns,stables,andotherouthouses,butahousetolivein,not

  tospeakoffencesandthelike。Thelandlordwillask,andthe

  tenantgive,forthese,whateverisconsideredsufficientto

  yieldtheordinaryprofit,orrather(riskandtroublebeinghere

  outofthequestion)theordinaryinterest,onthevalueofthe

  buildings:thatis,notonwhatithascosttoerectthem,buton

  whatitwouldnowcosttoerectothersasgood:thetenantbeing

  bound,inaddition,toleavetheminasgoodrepairashefound

  them,forotherwiseamuchlargerpaymentthansimpleinterest

  wouldofcourseberequiredfromhim。Thesebuildingsareas

  distinctathingfromthefarmasthestockorthetimberonit;

  andwhatispaidforthemcannomorebecalledrentofland,

  thanapaymentforcattlewouldbe,ifitwerethecustomthat

  thelandlordshouldstockthefarmforthetenant。Thebuildings,

  likethecattle,arenotland,butcapital,regularlyconsumed

  andreproduced;andallpaymentsmadeinconsiderationforthem

  areproperlyinterest。

  Butwithregardtocapitalactuallysunkinimprovements,and

  notrequiringperiodicalrenewal,butspentonceforallin

  givingthelandapermanentincreaseofproductiveness,it

  appearstomethatthereturnmadetosuchcapitalloses

  altogetherthecharacterofprofits,andisgovernedbythe

  principlesofrent。Itistruethatalandlordwillnotexpend

  capitalinimprovinghisestate,unlessheexpectsfromthe

  improvementanincreaseofincomesurpassingtheinterestofhis

  outlay。Prospectively,thisincreaseofincomemayberegardedas

  profit;butwhentheexpensehasbeenincurred,andthe

  improvementmade,therentoftheimprovedlandisgovernedby

  thesamerulesasthatoftheunimproved。Equallyfertileland

  commandsanequalrent,whetheritsfertilityisnaturalor

  acquired;andIcannotthinkthattheincomesofthosewhoown

  theBedfordLevelortheLincolnshireWoldsoughttobecalled

  profitandnotrentbecausethoselandswouldhavebeenworth

  nexttonothingunlesscapitalhadbeenexpendedonthem。The

  ownersarenotcapitalists,butlandlords;theyhavepartedwith

  theircapital;itisconsumed,destroyed;andneitheris,noris

  tobe,returnedtothem,likethecapitalofafarmeror

  manufacturer,fromwhatitproduces。Inlieuofittheynowhave

  landofacertainrichness,whichyieldsthesamerent,andby

  theoperationofthesamecauses,asifithadpossessedfromthe

  beginningthedegreeoffertilitywhichhasbeenartificially

  giventoit。

  Somewriters,inparticularMr。H。C。Carey,takeaway,still

  morecompletelythanIhaveattemptedtodo,thedistinction

  betweenthesetwosourcesofrent,byrejectingoneofthem

  altogether,andconsideringallrentastheeffectofcapital

  expended。Inproofofthis,Mr。Careycontendsthatthewhole

  pecuniaryvalueofallthelandinanycountry,inEnglandfor

  instance,orintheUnitedStates,doesnotamounttoanything

  approachingtothesumwhichhasbeenlaidout,orwhichitwould

  evennowbenecessarytolayout,inordertobringthecountry

  toitspresentconditionfromastateofprimaevalforest。This

  startlingstatementhasbeenseizedonbyM。Bastiatandothers,

  asameansofmakingoutastrongercasethancouldotherwisebe

  madeindefenceofpropertyinland。Mr。Carey’sproposition,in

  itsmostobviousmeaning,isequivalenttosaying,thatifthere

  weresuddenlyaddedtothelandsofEnglandanunreclaimed

  territoryofequalnaturalfertility,itwouldnotbeworththe

  whileoftheinhabitantsofEnglandtoreclaimit:becausethe

  profitsoftheoperationwouldnotbeequaltotheordinary

  interestonthecapitalexpended。Towhichassertionifany

  answercouldbesupposedtoberequired,itwouldsufficeto

  remark,thatlandnotofequalbutofgreatlyinferiorqualityto

  thatpreviouslycultivated,iscontinuallyreclaimedinEngland,

  atanexpensewhichthesubsequentlyaccruingrentissufficient

  toreplacecompletelyinasmallnumberofyears。Thedoctrine,

  moreover,istotallyopposedtoMr。Carey’sowneconomical

  opinions。NoonemaintainsmorestrenuouslythanMr。Careythe

  undoubtedtruth,thatassocietyadvancesinpopulation,wealth,

  andcombinationoflabour,landconstantlyrisesinvalueand

  price。This,however,couldnotpossiblybetrue,ifthepresent

  valueoflandwerelessthantheexpenseofclearingitand

  makingitfitforcultivation;foritmusthavebeenworththis

  immediatelyafteritwascleared;andaccordingtoMr。Careyit

  hasbeenrisinginvalueeversince。

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