Inademocraticsociety，aswellaselsewhere，thereareonlyacertainnumberofgreatfortunestobemade;andasthepathswhichleadtothemareindiscriminatelyopentoall，theprogressofallmustnecessarilybeslackened。Asthecandidatesappeartobenearlyalike，andasitisdifficulttomakeaselectionwithoutinfringingtheprincipleofequality，whichisthesupremelawofdemocraticsocieties，thefirstideawhichsuggestsitselfistomakethemalladvanceatthesamerateandsubmittothesameprobation。Thusinproportionasmenbecomemorealike，andtheprincipleofequalityismorepeaceablyanddeeplyinfusedintotheinstitutionsandmannersofthecountry，therulesofadvancementbecomemoreinflexible，advancementitselfslower，thedifficultyofarrivingquicklyatacertainheightfargreater。Fromhatredofprivilegeandfromtheembarrassmentofchoosing，allmenareatlastconstrained，whatevermaybetheirstandard，topassthesameordeal;allareindiscriminatelysubjectedtoamultitudeofpettypreliminaryexercises，inwhichtheiryouthiswastedandtheirimaginationquenched，sothattheydespairofeverfullyattainingwhatisheldouttothem;andwhenatlengththeyareinaconditiontoperformanyextraordinaryacts，thetasteforsuchthingshasforsakenthem。
InChina，wheretheequalityofconditionsisexceedinglygreatandveryancient，nomanpassesfromonepublicofficetoanotherwithoutundergoingaprobationarytrial。Thisprobationoccursafreshateverystageofhiscareer;andthenotionisnowsorootedinthemannersofthepeoplethatIremembertohavereadaChinesenovel，inwhichthehero，afternumberlesscrosses，succeedsatlengthintouchingtheheartofhismistressbytakinghonors。Aloftyambitionbreatheswithdifficultyinsuchanatmosphere。
TheremarkIapplytopoliticsextendstoeverything;
equalityeverywhereproducesthesameeffects;wherethelawsofacountrydonotregulateandretardtheadvancementofmenbypositiveenactment，competitionattainsthesameend。Inawell—establisheddemocraticcommunitygreatandrapidelevationisthereforerare;itformsanexceptiontothecommonrule;anditisthesingularityofsuchoccurrencesthatmakesmenforgethowrarelytheyhappen。Menlivingindemocraciesultimatelydiscoverthesethings;theyfindoutatlastthatthelawsoftheircountryopenaboundlessfieldofactionbeforethem，butthatnoonecanhopetohastenacrossit。Betweenthemandthefinalobjectoftheirdesires，theyperceiveamultitudeofsmallintermediateimpediments，whichmustbeslowlysurmounted:thisprospectweariesanddiscouragestheirambitionatonce。Theythereforegiveuphopessodoubtfulandremote，tosearchnearertothemselvesforlessloftyandmoreeasyenjoyments。Theirhorizonisnotboundedbythelawsbutnarrowedbythemselves。
Ihaveremarkedthatloftyambitionsaremorerareintheagesofdemocracythanintimesofaristocracy:Imayaddthatwhen，inspiteofthesenaturalobstacles，theydospringintoexistence，theircharacterisdifferent。Inaristocraciesthecareerofambitionisoftenwide，butitsboundariesaredetermined。Indemocraciesambitioncommonlyrangesinanarrowerfield，butifonceitgetsbeyondthat，hardlyanylimitscanbeassignedtoit。Asmenareindividuallyweak—astheyliveasunder，andinconstantmotion—asprecedentsareoflittleauthorityandlawsbutofshortduration，resistancetonoveltyislanguid，andthefabricofsocietyneverappearsperfectlyerectorfirmlyconsolidated。Sothat，whenonceanambitiousmanhasthepowerinhisgrasp，thereisnothinghemaynotedare;andwhenitisgonefromhim，hemeditatestheoverthrowoftheStatetoregainit。Thisgivestogreatpoliticalambitionacharacterofrevolutionaryviolence，whichitseldomexhibitstoanequaldegreeinaristocraticcommunities。Thecommonaspectofdemocraticnationswillpresentagreatnumberofsmallandveryrationalobjectsofambition，fromamongstwhichafewill—controlleddesiresofalargergrowthwillatintervalsbreakout:butnosuchathingasambitionconceivedandcontrivedonavastscaleistobemetwiththere。
Ihaveshownelsewherebywhatsecretinfluencetheprincipleofequalitymakesthepassionforphysicalgratificationsandtheexclusiveloveofthepresentpredominateinthehumanheart:thesedifferentpropensitiesminglewiththesentimentofambition，andtingeit，asitwere，withtheirhues。
Ibelievethatambitiousmenindemocraciesarelessengrossedthananyotherswiththeinterestsandthejudgmentofposterity;
thepresentmomentaloneengagesandabsorbsthem。Theyaremoreapttocompleteanumberofundertakingswithrapiditythantoraiselastingmonumentsoftheirachievements;andtheycaremuchmoreforsuccessthanforfame。Whattheymostaskofmenisobedience—whattheymostcovetisempire。Theirmannershaveinalmostallcasesremainedbelowtheheightoftheirstation;
theconsequenceisthattheyfrequentlycarryverylowtastesintotheirextraordinaryfortunes，andthattheyseemtohaveacquiredthesupremepoweronlytoministertotheircoarseorpaltrypleasures。
Ithinkthatinourtimeitisverynecessarytocleanse，toregulate，andtoadaptthefeelingofambition，butthatitwouldbeextremelydangeroustoseektoimpoverishandtorepressitover—much。Weshouldattempttolaydowncertainextremelimits，whichitshouldneverbeallowedtooutstep;butitsrangewithinthoseestablishedlimitsshouldnotbetoomuchchecked。I
confessthatIapprehendmuchlessfordemocraticsocietyfromtheboldnessthanfromthemediocrityofdesires。Whatappearstomemosttobedreadedisthat，inthemidstofthesmallincessantoccupationsofprivatelife，ambitionshouldloseitsvigoranditsgreatness—thatthepassionsofmanshouldabate，butatthesametimebelowered，sothatthemarchofsocietyshouldeverydaybecomemoretranquilandlessaspiring。Ithinkthenthattheleadersofmodernsocietywouldbewrongtoseektolullthecommunitybyastateoftoouniformandtoopeacefulhappiness;andthatitiswelltoexposeitfromtimetotimetomattersofdifficultyanddanger，inordertoraiseambitionandtogiveitafieldofaction。Moralistsareconstantlycomplainingthattherulingviceofthepresenttimeispride。
Thisistrueinonesense，forindeednoonethinksthatheisnotbetterthanhisneighbor，orconsentstoobeyhissuperior:
butitisextremelyfalseinanother;forthesamemanwhocannotenduresubordinationorequality，hassocontemptibleanopinionofhimselfthathethinksheisonlyborntoindulgeinvulgarpleasures。Hewillinglytakesupwithlowdesires，withoutdaringtoembarkinloftyenterprises，ofwhichhescarcelydreams。Thus，farfromthinkingthathumilityoughttobepreachedtoourcontemporaries，Iwouldhaveendeavorsmadetogivethemamoreenlargedideaofthemselvesandoftheirkind。
Humilityisunwholesometothem;whattheymostwantis，inmyopinion，pride。Iwouldwillinglyexchangeseveralofoursmallvirtuesforthisonevice。
ChapterXX:TheTradeOfPlace—HuntingInCertainDemocraticCountriesIntheUnitedStatesassoonasamanhasacquiredsomeeducationandpecuniaryresources，heeitherendeavorstogetrichbycommerceorindustry，orhebuyslandinthebushandturnspioneer。AllthatheasksoftheStateisnottobedisturbedinhistoil，andtobesecureofhisearnings。AmongstthegreaterpartofEuropeannations，whenamanbeginstofeelhisstrengthandtoextendhisdesires，thefirstthingthatoccurstohimistogetsomepublicemployment。Theseoppositeeffects，originatinginthesamecause，deserveourpassingnotice。
Whenpublicemploymentsarefewinnumber，ill—paidandprecarious，whilstthedifferentlinesofbusinessarenumerousandlucrative，itistobusiness，andnottoofficialduties，thatthenewandeagerdesiresengenderedbytheprincipleofequalityturnfromeveryside。Butif，whilsttheranksofsocietyarebecomingmoreequal，theeducationofthepeopleremainsincomplete，ortheirspiritthereverseofbold—ifcommerceandindustry，checkedintheirgrowth，affordonlyslowandarduousmeansofmakingafortune—thevariousmembersofthecommunity，despairingofamelioratingtheirowncondition，rushtotheheadoftheStateanddemanditsassistance。Torelievetheirownnecessitiesatthecostofthepublictreasury，appearstothemtobetheeasiestandmostopen，ifnottheonly，waytheyhavetoriseaboveaconditionwhichnolongercontentsthem;place—huntingbecomesthemostgenerallyfollowedofalltrades。Thismustespeciallybethecase，inthosegreatcentralizedmonarchiesinwhichthenumberofpaidofficesisimmense，andthetenureofthemtolerablysecure，sothatnoonedespairsofobtainingaplace，andofenjoyingitasundisturbedlyasahereditaryfortune。
Ishallnotremarkthattheuniversalandinordinatedesireforplaceisagreatsocialevil;thatitdestroysthespiritofindependenceinthecitizen，anddiffusesavenalandservilehumorthroughouttheframeofsociety;thatitstiflesthemanliervirtues:norshallIbeatthepainstodemonstratethatthiskindoftrafficonlycreatesanunproductiveactivity，whichagitatesthecountrywithoutaddingtoitsresources:allthesethingsareobvious。ButIwouldobserve，thatagovernmentwhichencouragesthistendencyrisksitsowntranquillity，andplacesitsveryexistenceingreatjeopardy。Iamawarethatatatimelikeourown，whentheloveandrespectwhichformerlyclungtoauthorityareseengraduallytodecline，itmayappearnecessarytothoseinpowertolayacloserholdoneverymanbyhisowninterest，anditmayseemconvenienttousehisownpassionstokeephiminorderandinsilence;butthiscannotbesolong，andwhatmayappeartobeasourceofstrengthforacertaintimewillassuredlybecomeintheendagreatcauseofembarrassmentandweakness。
Amongstdemocraticnations，aswellaselsewhere，thenumberofofficialappointmentshasintheendsomelimits;butamongstthosenations，thenumberofaspirantsisunlimited;itperpetuallyincreases，withagradualandirresistibleriseinproportionassocialconditionsbecomemoreequal，andisonlycheckedbythelimitsofthepopulation。Thus，whenpublicemploymentsaffordtheonlyoutletforambition，thegovernmentnecessarilymeetswithapermanentoppositionatlast;foritistaskedtosatisfywithlimitedmeansunlimiteddesires。Itisverycertainthatofallpeopleintheworldthemostdifficulttorestrainandtomanageareapeopleofsolicitants。Whateverendeavorsaremadebyrulers，suchapeoplecanneverbecontented;anditisalwaystobeapprehendedthattheywillultimatelyoverturntheconstitutionofthecountry，andchangetheaspectoftheState，forthesolepurposeofmakingaclearanceofplaces。Thesovereignsofthepresentage，whostrivetofixuponthemselvesaloneallthosenoveldesireswhicharearousedbyequality，andtosatisfythem，willrepentintheend，ifIamnotmistaken，thattheyeverembarkedinthispolicy:theywillonedaydiscoverthattheyhavehazardedtheirownpower，bymakingitsonecessary;andthatthemoresafeandhonestcoursewouldhavebeentoteachtheirsubjectstheartofprovidingforthemselves。*a[Footnotea:[Asamatteroffact，morerecentexperiencehasshownthatplace—huntingisquiteasintenseintheUnitedStatesasinanycountryinEurope。ItisregardedbytheAmericansthemselvesasoneofthegreatevilsoftheirsocialcondition，anditpowerfullyaffectstheirpoliticalinstitutions。ButtheAmericanwhoseeksaplaceseeksnotsomuchameansofsubsistenceasthedistinctionwhichofficeandpublicemploymentconfer。Intheabsenceofanytruearistocracy，thepublicservicecreatesaspuriousone，whichisasmuchanobjectofambitionasthedistinctionsofrankinaristocraticcountries。—
Translator’sNote。]]
BookThree—ChaptersXXI—XXII
ChapterXXI:WhyGreatRevolutionsWillBecomeMoreRareApeoplewhichhasexistedforcenturiesunderasystemofcastesandclassescanonlyarriveatademocraticstateofsocietybypassingthroughalongseriesofmoreorlesscriticaltransformations，accomplishedbyviolentefforts，andafternumerousvicissitudes;inthecourseofwhich，property，opinions，andpowerarerapidlytransferredfromonehandtoanother。Evenafterthisgreatrevolutionisconsummated，therevolutionaryhabitsengenderedbyitmaylongbetraced，anditwillbefollowedbydeepcommotion。Asallthistakesplaceattheverytimeatwhichsocialconditionsarebecomingmoreequal，itisinferredthatsomeconcealedrelationandsecrettieexistbetweentheprincipleofequalityitselfandrevolution，insomuchthattheonecannotexistwithoutgivingrisetotheother。
Onthispointreasoningmayseemtoleadtothesameresultasexperience。Amongstapeoplewhoseranksarenearlyequal，noostensiblebondconnectsmentogether，orkeepsthemsettledintheirstation。Noneofthemhaveeitherapermanentrightorpowertocommand—noneareforcedbytheirconditiontoobey;
buteveryman，findinghimselfpossessedofsomeeducationandsomeresources，maychoosehiswonpathandproceedapartfromallhisfellow—men。Thesamecauseswhichmakethemembersofthecommunityindependentofeachother，continuallyimpelthemtonewandrestlessdesires，andconstantlyspurthemonwards。
Itthereforeseemsnaturalthat，inademocraticcommunity，men，things，andopinionsshouldbeforeverchangingtheirformandplace，andthatdemocraticagesshouldbetimesofrapidandincessanttransformation。
Butisthisreallythecase？doestheequalityofsocialconditionshabituallyandpermanentlyleadmentorevolution？
doesthatstateofsocietycontainsomeperturbingprinciplewhichpreventsthecommunityfromeversubsidingintocalm，anddisposesthecitizenstoalterincessantlytheirlaws，theirprinciples，andtheirmanners？Idonotbelieveit;andasthesubjectisimportant，Ibegforthereader’scloseattention。
Almostalltherevolutionswhichhavechangedtheaspectofnationshavebeenmadetoconsolidateortodestroysocialinequality。Removethesecondarycauseswhichhaveproducedthegreatconvulsionsoftheworld，andyouwillalmostalwaysfindtheprincipleofinequalityatthebottom。Eitherthepoorhaveattemptedtoplundertherich，ortherichtoenslavethepoor。
Ifthenastateofsocietycaneverbefoundedinwhicheverymanshallhavesomethingtokeep，andlittletotakefromothers，muchwillhavebeendoneforthepeaceoftheworld。Iamawarethatamongstagreatdemocraticpeopletherewillalwaysbesomemembersofthecommunityingreatpoverty，andothersingreatopulence;butthepoor，insteadofformingtheimmensemajorityofthenation，asisalwaysthecaseinaristocraticcommunities，arecomparativelyfewinnumber，andthelawsdonotbindthemtogetherbythetiesofirremediableandhereditarypenury。Thewealthy，ontheirside，arescarceandpowerless;theyhavenoprivilegeswhichattractpublicobservation;eventheirwealth，asitisnolongerincorporatedandboundupwiththesoil，isimpalpable，andasitwereinvisible。Asthereisnolongeraraceofpoormen，sothereisnolongeraraceofrichmen;thelatterspringupdailyfromthemultitude，andrelapseintoitagain。Hencetheydonotformadistinctclass，whichmaybeeasilymarkedoutandplundered;and，moreover，astheyareconnectedwiththemassoftheirfellow—citizensbyathousandsecretties，thepeoplecannotassailthemwithoutinflictinganinjuryuponitself。Betweenthesetwoextremesofdemocraticcommunitiesstandaninnumerablemultitudeofmenalmostalike，who，withoutbeingexactlyeitherrichorpoor，arepossessedofsufficientpropertytodesirethemaintenanceoforder，yetnotenoughtoexciteenvy。Suchmenarethenaturalenemiesofviolentcommotions:theirstillnesskeepsallbeneaththemandabovethemstill，andsecuresthebalanceofthefabricofsociety。Notindeedthateventhesemenarecontentedwithwhattheyhavegotten，orthattheyfeelanaturalabhorrenceforarevolutioninwhichtheymightsharethespoilwithoutsharingthecalamity;onthecontrary，theydesire，withunexampledardor，togetrich，butthedifficultyistoknowfromwhomrichescanbetaken。Thesamestateofsocietywhichconstantlypromptsdesires，restrainsthesedesireswithinnecessarylimits:
itgivesmenmorelibertyofchangingandlessinterestinchange。
Notonlyarethemenofdemocraciesnotnaturallydesirousofrevolutions，buttheyareafraidofthem。Allrevolutionsmoreorlessthreatenthetenureofproperty:butmostofthosewholiveindemocraticcountriesarepossessedofproperty—notonlyaretheypossessedofproperty，buttheyliveintheconditionofmenwhosetthegreateststoreupontheirproperty。
Ifweattentivelyconsidereachoftheclassesofwhichsocietyiscomposed，itiseasytoseethatthepassionsengenderedbypropertyarekeenestandmosttenaciousamongstthemiddleclasses。Thepooroftencarebutlittleforwhattheypossess，becausetheysuffermuchmorefromthewantofwhattheyhavenot，thantheyenjoythelittletheyhave。Therichhavemanyotherpassionsbesidesthatofrichestosatisfy;and，besides，thelongandarduousenjoymentofagreatfortunesometimesmakesthemintheendinsensibletoitscharms。Butthemenwhohaveacompetency，alikeremovedfromopulenceandfrompenury，attachanenormousvaluetotheirpossessions。Astheyarestillalmostwithinthereachofpoverty，theyseeitsprivationsnearathand，anddreadthem;betweenpovertyandthemselvesthereisnothingbutascantyfortune，uponwhichtheyimmediatelyfixtheirapprehensionsandtheirhopes。Everydayincreasestheinteresttheytakeinit，bytheconstantcareswhichitoccasions;andtheyarethemoreattachedtoitbytheircontinualexertionstoincreasetheamount。Thenotionofsurrenderingthesmallestpartofitisinsupportabletothem，andtheyconsideritstotallossastheworstofmisfortunes。
Nowtheseeagerandapprehensivemenofsmallpropertyconstitutetheclasswhichisconstantlyincreasedbytheequalityofconditions。Hence，indemocraticcommunities，themajorityofthepeopledonotclearlyseewhattheyhavetogainbyarevolution，buttheycontinuallyandinathousandwaysfeelthattheymightlosebyone。
Ihaveshowninanotherpartofthisworkthattheequalityofconditionsnaturallyurgesmentoembarkincommercialandindustrialpursuits，andthatittendstoincreaseandtodistributerealproperty:Ihavealsopointedoutthemeansbywhichitinspireseverymanwithaneagerandconstantdesiretoincreasehiswelfare。Nothingismoreopposedtorevolutionarypassionsthanthesethings。Itmayhappenthatthefinalresultofarevolutionisfavorabletocommerceandmanufactures;butitsfirstconsequencewillalmostalwaysbetheruinofmanufacturesandmercantilemen，becauseitmustalwayschangeatoncethegeneralprinciplesofconsumption，andtemporarilyupsettheexistingproportionbetweensupplyanddemand。Iknowofnothingmoreoppositetorevolutionarymannersthancommercialmanners。Commerceisnaturallyadversetoalltheviolentpassions;itlovestotemporize，takesdelightincompromise，andstudiouslyavoidsirritation。Itispatient，insinuating，flexible，andneverhasrecoursetoextrememeasuresuntilobligedbythemostabsolutenecessity。Commercerendersmenindependentofeachother，givesthemaloftynotionoftheirpersonalimportance，leadsthemtoseektoconducttheirownaffairs，andteacheshowtoconductthemwell;itthereforepreparesmenforfreedom，butpreservesthemfromrevolutions。
Inarevolutiontheownersofpersonalpropertyhavemoretofearthanallothers;forontheonehandtheirpropertyisofteneasytoseize，andontheotheritmaytotallydisappearatanymoment—asubjectofalarmtowhichtheownersofrealpropertyarelessexposed，since，althoughtheymaylosetheincomeoftheirestates，theymayhopetopreservethelanditselfthroughthegreatestvicissitudes。Hencetheformeraremuchmorealarmedatthesymptomsofrevolutionarycommotionthanthelatter。Thusnationsarelessdisposedtomakerevolutionsinproportionaspersonalpropertyisaugmentedanddistributedamongstthem，andasthenumberofthosepossessingitincreases。Moreover，whateverprofessionmenmayembrace，andwhateverspeciesofpropertytheymaypossess，onecharacteristiciscommontothemall。Nooneisfullycontentedwithhispresentfortune—allareperpetuallystrivinginathousandwaystoimproveit。
Consideranyoneofthematanyperiodofhislife，andhewillbefoundengagedwithsomenewprojectforthepurposeofincreasingwhathehas;talknottohimoftheinterestsandtherightsofmankind:thissmalldomesticconcernabsorbsforthetimeallhisthoughts，andinclineshimtodeferpoliticalexcitementtosomeotherseason。Thisnotonlypreventsmenfrommakingrevolutions，butdetersmenfromdesiringthem。Violentpoliticalpassionshavebutlittleholdonthosewhohavedevotedalltheirfacultiestothepursuitoftheirwell—being。Theardorwhichtheydisplayinsmallmatterscalmstheirzealformomentousundertakings。
Fromtimetotimeindeed，enterprisingandambitiousmenwillariseindemocraticcommunities，whoseunboundedaspirationscannotbecontentedbyfollowingthebeatentrack。Suchmenlikerevolutionsandhailtheirapproach;buttheyhavegreatdifficultyinbringingthemabout，unlessunwontedeventscometotheirassistance。Nomancanstrugglewithadvantageagainstthespiritofhisageandcountry;and，howeverpowerfulhemaybesupposedtobe，hewillfinditdifficulttomakehiscontemporariesshareinfeelingsandopinionswhicharerepugnanttotalltheirfeelingsanddesires。
Itisamistaketobelievethat，whenoncetheequalityofconditionshasbecometheoldanduncontestedstateofsociety，andhasimparteditscharacteristicstothemannersofanation，menwilleasilyallowthemselvestobethrustintoperilousrisksbyanimprudentleaderoraboldinnovator。Notindeedthattheywillresisthimopenly，bywell—contrivedschemes，orevenbyapremeditatedplanofresistance。Theywillnotstruggleenergeticallyagainsthim，sometimestheywillevenapplaudhim—
buttheydonotfollowhim。Tohisvehemencetheysecretlyopposetheirinertia;tohisrevolutionarytendenciestheirconservativeinterests;theirhomelytastestohisadventurouspassions;theirgoodsensetotheflightsofhisgenius;tohispoetrytheirprose。Withimmenseexertionheraisesthemforaninstant，buttheyspeedilyescapefromhim，andfallback，asitwere，bytheirownweight。Hestrainshimselftorousetheindifferentanddistractedmultitude，andfindsatlastthatheisreducedtoimpotence，notbecauseheisconquered，butbecauseheisalone。
Idonotassertthatmenlivingindemocraticcommunitiesarenaturallystationary;Ithink，onthecontrary，thataperpetualstirprevailsinthebosomofthosesocieties，andthatrestisunknownthere;butIthinkthatmenbestirthemselveswithincertainlimitsbeyondwhichtheyhardlyevergo。Theyareforevervarying，altering，andrestoringsecondarymatters;buttheycarefullyabstainfromtouchingwhatisfundamental。Theylovechange，buttheydreadrevolutions。AlthoughtheAmericansareconstantlymodifyingorabrogatingsomeoftheirlaws，theybynomeansdisplayrevolutionarypassions。Itmaybeeasilyseen，fromthepromptitudewithwhichtheycheckandcalmthemselveswhenpublicexcitementbeginstogrowalarming，andattheverymomentwhenpassionsseemmostroused，thattheydreadarevolutionastheworstofmisfortunes，andthateveryoneofthemisinwardlyresolvedtomakegreatsacrificestoavoidsuchacatastrophe。InnocountryintheworldistheloveofpropertymoreactiveandmoreanxiousthanintheUnitedStates;
nowheredoesthemajoritydisplaylessinclinationforthoseprincipleswhichthreatentoalter，inwhatevermanner，thelawsofproperty。Ihaveoftenremarkedthattheorieswhichareofarevolutionarynature，sincetheycannotbeputinpracticewithoutacompleteandsometimesasuddenchangeinthestateofpropertyandpersons，aremuchlessfavorablyviewedintheUnitedStatesthaninthegreatmonarchicalcountriesofEurope:
ifsomemenprofessthem，thebulkofthepeoplerejectthemwithinstinctiveabhorrence。IdonothesitatetosaythatmostofthemaximscommonlycalleddemocraticinFrancewouldbeproscribedbythedemocracyoftheUnitedStates。Thismayeasilybeunderstood:inAmericamenhavetheopinionsandpassionsofdemocracy，inEuropewehavestillthepassionsandopinionsofrevolution。IfeverAmericaundergoesgreatrevolutions，theywillbebroughtaboutbythepresenceoftheblackraceonthesoiloftheUnitedStates—thatistosay，theywillowetheirorigin，nottotheequality，buttotheinequality，ofconditions。
Whensocialconditionsareequal，everymanisapttoliveapart，centredinhimselfandforgetfulofthepublic。Iftherulersofdemocraticnationswereeithertoneglecttocorrectthisfataltendency，ortoencourageitfromanotionthatitweansmenfrompoliticalpassionsandthuswardsoffrevolutions，theymighteventuallyproducetheeviltheyseektoavoid，andatimemightcomewhentheinordinatepassionsofafewmen，aidedbytheunintelligentselfishnessorthepusillanimityofthegreaternumber，wouldultimatelycompelsocietytopassthroughstrangevicissitudes。Indemocraticcommunitiesrevolutionsareseldomdesiredexceptbyaminority;butaminoritymaysometimeseffectthem。Idonotassertthatdemocraticnationsaresecurefromrevolutions;Imerelysaythatthestateofsocietyinthosenationsdoesnotleadtorevolutions，butratherwardsthemoff。
Ademocraticpeoplelefttoitselfwillnoteasilyembarkingreathazards;itisonlyledtorevolutionsunawares;itmaysometimesundergothem，butitdoesnotmakethem;andIwilladdthat，whensuchapeoplehasbeenallowedtoacquiresufficientknowledgeandexperience，itwillnotsufferthemtobemade。I
amwellawarethatitthisrespectpublicinstitutionsmaythemselvesdomuch;theymayencourageorrepressthetendencieswhichoriginateinthestateofsociety。Ithereforedonotmaintain，Irepeat，thatapeopleissecurefromrevolutionssimplybecauseconditionsareequalinthecommunity;butIthinkthat，whatevertheinstitutionsofsuchapeoplemaybe，greatrevolutionswillalwaysbefarlessviolentandlessfrequentthanissupposed;andIcaneasilydiscernastateofpolity，which，whencombinedwiththeprincipleofequality，wouldrendersocietymorestationarythanithaseverbeeninourwesternapartoftheworld。
TheobservationsIhaveheremadeoneventsmayalsobeappliedinparttoopinions。TwothingsaresurprisingintheUnitedStates—themutabilityofthegreaterpartofhumanactions，andthesingularstabilityofcertainprinciples。Menareinconstantmotion;themindofmanappearsalmostunmoved。
Whenonceanopinionhasspreadoverthecountryandstruckrootthere，itwouldseemthatnopoweronearthisstrongenoughtoeradicateit。IntheUnitedStates，generalprinciplesinreligion，philosophy，morality，andevenpolitics，donotvary，oratleastareonlymodifiedbyahiddenandoftenanimperceptibleprocess:eventhegrossestprejudicesareobliteratedwithincredibleslowness，amidstthecontinualfrictionofmenandthings。Ihearitsaidthatitisinthenatureandthehabitsofdemocraciestobeconstantlychangingtheiropinionsandfeelings。Thismaybetrueofsmalldemocraticnations，likethoseoftheancientworld，inwhichthewholecommunitycouldbeassembledinapublicplaceandthenexcitedatwillbyanorator。ButIsawnothingofthekindamongstthegreatdemocraticpeoplewhichdwellsupontheoppositeshoresoftheAtlanticOcean。WhatstruckmeintheUnitedStateswasthedifficultyinshakingthemajorityinanopiniononceconceived，orofdrawingitofffromaleaderonceadopted。Neitherspeakingnorwritingcanaccomplishit;nothingbutexperiencewillavail，andevenexperiencemustberepeated。
Thisissurprisingatfirstsight，butamoreattentiveinvestigationexplainsthefact。Idonotthinkthatitisaseasyasissupposedtouproottheprejudicesofademocraticpeople—tochangeitsbelief—tosupersedeprinciplesonceestablished，bynewprinciplesinreligion，politics，andmorals—inaword，tomakegreatandfrequentchangesinmen’sminds。
Notthatthehumanmindisthereatrest—itisinconstantagitation;butitisengagedininfinitelyvaryingtheconsequencesofknownprinciples，andinseekingfornewconsequences，ratherthaninseekingfornewprinciples。Itsmotionisoneofrapidcircumvolution，ratherthanofstraightforwardimpulsebyrapidanddirecteffort;itextendsitsorbitbysmallcontinualandhastymovements，butitdoesnotsuddenlyalteritsposition。
Menwhoareequalinrights，ineducation，infortune，or，tocompriseallinoneword，intheirsocialcondition，havenecessarilywants，habits，andtasteswhicharehardlydissimilar。Astheylookatobjectsunderthesameaspect，theirmindsnaturallytendtoanalogousconclusions;and，thougheachofthemmaydeviatefromhiscontemporariesandfromopinionsofhisown，theywillinvoluntarilyandunconsciouslyconcurinacertainnumberofreceivedopinions。ThemoreattentivelyI
considertheeffectsofequalityuponthemind，themoreamI
persuadedthattheintellectualanarchywhichwewitnessaboutusisnot，asmanymensuppose，thenaturalstateofdemocraticnations。Ithinkitisrathertoberegardedasanaccidentpeculiartotheiryouth，andthatitonlybreaksoutatthatperiodoftransitionwhenmenhavealreadysnappedtheformertieswhichboundthemtogether，butarestillamazinglydifferentinorigin，education，andmanners;sothat，havingretainedopinions，propensitiesandtastesofgreatdiversity，nothinganylongerpreventsmenfromavowingthemopenly。Theleadingopinionsofmenbecomesimilarinproportionastheirconditionsassimilate;suchappearstometobethegeneralandpermanentlaw—therestiscasualandtransient。
Ibelievethatitwillrarelyhappentoanymanamongstademocraticcommunity，suddenlytoframeasystemofnotionsveryremotefromthatwhichhiscontemporarieshaveadopted;andifsomesuchinnovatorappeared，Iapprehendthathewouldhavegreatdifficultyinfindinglisteners，stillmoreinfindingbelievers。Whentheconditionsofmenarealmostequal，theydonoteasilyallowthemselvestobepersuadedbyeachother。Astheyallliveincloseintercourse，astheyhavelearnedthesamethingstogether，andastheyleadthesamelife，theyarenotnaturallydisposedtotakeoneofthemselvesforaguide，andtofollowhimimplicitly。Menseldomtaketheopinionoftheirequal，orofamanlikethemselves，upontrust。Notonlyisconfidenceinthesuperiorattainmentsofcertainindividualsweakenedamongstdemocraticnations，asIhaveelsewhereremarked，butthegeneralnotionoftheintellectualsuperioritywhichanymanwhatsoevermayacquireinrelationtotherestofthecommunityissoonovershadowed。Asmengrowmorelikeeachother，thedoctrineoftheequalityoftheintellectgraduallyinfusesitselfintotheiropinions;anditbecomesmoredifficultforanyinnovatortoacquireortoexertmuchinfluenceoverthemindsofapeople。Insuchcommunitiessuddenintellectualrevolutionswillthereforeberare;for，ifwereadarightthehistoryoftheworld，weshallfindthatgreatandrapidchangesinhumanopinionshavebeenproducedfarlessbytheforceofreasoningthanbytheauthorityofaname。Observe，too，thatasthemenwholiveindemocraticsocietiesarenotconnectedwitheachotherbyanytie，eachofthemmustbeconvincedindividually;whilstinaristocraticsocietyitisenoughtoconvinceafew—therestfollow。IfLutherhadlivedinanageofequality，andhadnothadprincesandpotentatesforhisaudience，hewouldperhapshavefounditmoredifficulttochangetheaspectofEurope。Notindeedthatthemenofdemocraciesarenaturallystronglypersuadedofthecertaintyoftheiropinions，orareunwaveringinbelief;theyfrequentlyentertaindoubtswhichnoone，intheireyes，canremove。Itsometimeshappensatsuchtimesthatthehumanmindwouldwillinglychangeitsposition;butasnothingurgesorguidesitforwards，itoscillatestoandfrowithoutprogressivemotion。*a[Footnotea:IfIinquirewhatstateofsocietyismostfavorabletothegreatrevolutionsofthemind，Ifindthatitoccurssomewherebetweenthecompleteequalityofthewholecommunityandtheabsoluteseparationofranks。Underasystemofcastesgenerationssucceedeachotherwithoutalteringmen’spositions;
somehavenothingmore，othersnothingbetter，tohopefor。Theimaginationslumbersamidstthisuniversalsilenceandstillness，andtheveryideaofchangefadesfromthehumanmind。Whenrankshavebeenabolishedandsocialconditionsarealmostequalized，allmenareinceaselessexcitement，buteachofthemstandsalone，independentandweak。Thislatterstateofthingsisexcessivelydifferentfromtheformerone;yetithasonepointofanalogy—greatrevolutionsofthehumanmindseldomoccurinit。Butbetweenthesetwoextremesofthehistoryofnationsisanintermediateperiod—aperiodasgloriousasitisagitated—whentheconditionsofmenarenotsufficientlysettledforthemindtobelulledintorpor，whentheyaresufficientlyunequalformentoexerciseavastpoweronthemindsofoneanother，andwhensomefewmaymodifytheconvictionsofall。Itisatsuchtimesthatgreatreformersstartup，andnewopinionssuddenlychangethefaceoftheworld。]